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THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION, RESEARCH ON THE HEALTH 



EFFECTS OF RADIOACTIVE MATERIALS, AND TESTS ON VULNERABLE 
POPULATIONS WITHOUT CONSENT IN ST. LOUIS, 1945-1970. 



A Dissertation 
presented to 

the Faculty of the Graduate School 
at the University of Missouri-Columbia 



In Partial Fulfillment 
of the Requirements for the Degree 
Doctor of Philosophy 



by 

LISA MARTINO-TAYLOR 
Dr. Clarence Y.H. Lo, Dissertation Supervisor 



DECEMBER 2011 




UMI Number: 3515886 



All rights reserved 
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS 

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In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript 
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, 

a note will indicate the deletion. 



UMI 

Dissertation Publishing 



UMI 3515886 

Copyright 2012 by ProQuest LLC. 

All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against 
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. 



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ProQuest LLC. 

789 East Eisenhower Parkway 
P.O. Box 1346 
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UMI Number: 3515886 



All rights reserved 
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS 

The quality of this reproduction is dependent on the quality of the copy submitted. 

In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript 
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, 

a note will indicate the deletion. 



UMI 

Dissertation Publishing 



UMI 3515886 

Copyright 2012 by ProQuest LLC. 

All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against 
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. 



Pro 



ProQuest LLC. 

789 East Eisenhower Parkway 
P.O. Box 1346 
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346 






© Copyright by Lisa Martino -Taylor 2011 
All Rights Reserved 




The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the 

dissertation entitled: 

THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION, RESEARCH ON THE HEALTH 
EFFECTS OF RADIOACTIVE MATERIALS, AND TESTS ON VULNERABLE 
POPULATIONS WITHOUT CONSENT IN ST. LOUIS 1945-1970. 

presented by Lisa Martino-Taylor, 
a candidate for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy, 

And hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. 
Professor Clarence Y.H. Lo 

Professor John Galliher 

Professor Ibitola Pearce 



Professor J. Sandy Rikoon 




To the victims of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, who each had a right to know. 



To victims of warfare and war-related activities around the globe. 



To my former work colleague, as well as my former neighbor, for asking questions about 
their victimization and entrusting me with their personal histories, which enabled me to 

know of, and explore this issue. 



To three incredible men in my life: Steve, Drew, and Jake, who are a constant reminder 

of what is right and good in the world. 



To my husband, who enthusiastically supported me throughout this project, and who was 
always willing to engage in discussions about chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, 

over coffee and cornflakes. 




ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



My deepest thanks goes to Clarence Lo, who has been extremely supportive during my entire time 
at University of Missouri-Columbia, and throughout this dissertation experience as my chair. You always 
provided a wonderful balance of intellectual provocation, unwavering support, and enthusiasm regarding 
this project. In what began as a tremendous amount of respect for you as a scholar, has only increased over 
these past five years. Your intellect, patience, insight, guidance, humor, and confidence in the abilities of 
this advisee, are deeply appreciated. 

Thanks to Dr. John Galliher, who was an enthusiastic and early member on my committee, and 
who always added greatly to the discussions. I am very appreciative of your contributions and support, in 
regard to this work. Thank you for taking time to support this project, and for providing insight when 
insight was needed. It was such an extraordinary pleasure to have you seated on my committee. 

Thank you to Dr. Ibitola Pearce, who so generously climbed on board this project during my final 
year, despite an incredibly busy work calendar. It was my hope that you would help me maintain a global 
perspective in what seemed like such a local issue, and you never disappointed. Your insightful comments 
and provocative questions pushed me to expand my horizon outwards. I will hear your words in future 
endeavors, and rest assured, that 1 am and will continue to be a better scholar because of you. 

Professor Sandy Rikoon, you are a wonderful individual and have been a superb committee 
member. You posed thoughtful questions, and always offered excellent guidance and feedback. Your 
kindness and support was invaluable; 1 always felt incredible encouragement, and I so appreciated your 
guidance. I could not have asked for a more wonderful outside committee member than you. 

To my entire committee: Thank you all. I was often awe-struck by the individual and collective 
knowledge around the table. What a humbling and outstanding experience it was, and 1 will be forever 
grateful to all of you, and for this experience. 

A very special thanks goes to the esteemed Dr. Fred Emil Katz, who continues to be profoundly 
inspiring, and who offered supportive comments, kindness, and above all, a lovely friendship. 



ii 




TABLE OF CONTENTS 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii 

ABSTRACT iv 

INTRO: THE SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEM 1 

Chapter 

1. METHODOLOGY 8 

2. TARGET ST. LOUIS: MOSCOW AND AN AMERICAN “SLUM” IN THE 

CROSSHAIRS 17 

3. THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION 70 

4. SUNSHINE & GABRIEL: ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE 105 

5. A NEW HYBRID MILITARY ORGANIZATION 146 

6. ETHICAL AND SOCIAL AUTISM: THE QUASHING OF INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL 

DISSENT 178 

7. THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION AND A GLOBAL AMERICAN 

EMPIRE 204 

CONCLUSION 215 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 217 

APPENDIX A: AFTERWORD 229 

APPENDIX B: ST. LOUIS 1953 ZnCdS DISPERSION DATA 231 

APPENDIX C: PENETRATION OF BUILDINGS IN ST. LOUIS 234 

APPENDIX D: SYNOPSIS OF FINDINGS: GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTING OFFICE’S 

DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY HUMAN TISSUE ANALYSIS 235 

APPENDIX E: TIMELINE OF EVENTS 253 

APPENDIX F: FOIA RESPONSE- ABERDEEN PROVING GROUND 256 

VITA 258 

APPENDIX G: FOIA RESPONSE- DUGWAY PROVING GROUND: BEHAVIOR OF AEROSOL 
CLOUDS WITHIN CITIES & ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY, VOL. II ANALYSIS 259 

iii 




THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION, RESEARCH ON THE HEALTH 
EFFECTS OF RADIOACTIVE MATERIALS, AMD TESTS ON VULNERABLE 
POPULATIONS WITHOUT CONSENT IN 
ST. LOUIS, 1945-1970 

Lisa Martino-Taylor 

Dr. Clarence Y. H. Lo, Dissertation Supervisor 
ABSTRACT 

This piece analyzes a covert Manhattan Project spin-off organization referred to here as 
the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, and an obscure aerosol study in St. Louis, Missouri, 
conducted under contract by the U.S. military from 1953-1954, and 1963-1965. The military- 
sponsored studies targeted a segregated, high-density urban area, where low-income persons of 
color predominantly resided. Examination of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition and the St. 
Louis aerosol studies, reveal their connections to each other, and to a much larger military project 
that secretly tested humans, both alive and deceased, in an effort to understand the effects of 
weaponized radiation. Through this case study, the author explores how a large number of 
participants inside an organization will willingly participate in organizational acts that are 
harmful to others, and how large numbers of outsiders, who may or may not be victims of 
organizational activities, are unable to determine illegal or harmful activity by an organization. 
The author explains how ethical and observational lapses are engineered by the organization 
through several specific mechanisms, in an effort to disable critical analysis, and prevent both 
internal and external dissent of harmful organizational actions. Through studying the process of 
complex organizational deviance, we can develop public policies that protect the public’s right to 
know, and construct checks and methods to minimize the chance of covert projects that are 
contrary to societal norms. 



tv 







INTRODUCTION: 



THE SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEM AND 
THE “THOUSAND PEOPLE BELOW” 



The principle of medical and surgical morality. . .consists in never perfonning 
on man an experiment which might be harmful to him to any extent, even 
though the result might be highly advantageous to science, i.e., to the health 
of others. . .it is immoral, then, to make an experiment on man when it is 
dangerous to him, even though the result may be useful to others. 

(French physician Claude Bernard, 1 865) 1 



z 



Fifteen years ago, while I was working as a researcher in St. Louis, Missouri, a respected 
acquaintance and colleague shared a troubling story with me. This reserved woman 
opened up about her recent diagnosis of breast cancer, and a haunting question that 
pressed upon her. As a young girl living in the city of St. Louis, her neighborhood and 
school had been “sprayed by the military”. My colleague was consumed by worry that 
this event as a child, had triggered decades later, her breast cancer as an adult. Since my 
research at that time was focused on toxic threats in communities, she asked me if I knew 
about this issue. I had to admit with some embarrassment, that I had no infonnation or 
knowledge about the event. I was asked if I would be willing to look for any information 
that might help her determine to what she had been exposed. Disturbed by her story, I 
attempted to locate information on the event, to little avail. According to public records, 
it was as if the event was the figment of a wild imagination. I informed my colleague that 



1 U.S. House of Representatives, 1994: 1 18. 



1 




there was no infonnation in the literature, and only one brief, uninformative mention in 
the news media. She graciously took the little infonnation that I had located, and did not 
mention it again. I continued to find her story troubling, however. 

Approximately a week or two later, there was a knock on my front door at home. My 
neighbor asked if she could have a minute of my time, and next shared a personal story 
with me. Ten years prior, she had survived a brain tumor. She explained that she had 
come to me for a specific reason, however. . .she had been sprayed as a child while on the 
playground at school, by “something that the military was doing”, and she had for a 
decade believed that her brain tumor was caused by that event. Mouth agape, I pointedly 
asked if I was the victim of a distasteful joke. Perhaps my colleague and neighbor knew 
each other, and were testing me. How otherwise could two acquaintances of mine, who 
did not know each other, have lived in the same area at the same time, and experienced 
the same thing? How could both women know me and coincidentally share with me 
virtually identical stories, one on the heels of the other? I thought it perversely 
unbelievable. Taken aback by my response, my neighbor informed me a bit tersely, that 
her story was no joke, and pointed to her head where the tumor had threatened her life. 
Her expression said the rest. I shared with her the story of my colleague, told to me days 
prior. My neighbor’s expression turned dark, as she surmised that something had 
happened to people in the city of St. Louis, and she needed to know more. . .might I be 
willing to help? She handed me a manila envelope, and said that then-Congressman 
Richard Gephardt had made an official inquiry about the incident; inside the folder was 
information related to his findings. I shut the door in an utter daze, not believing the 



2 




incredible coincidence of two acquaintances with their shared experience. The fact that a 
Congressional investigation had taken place, and that there was almost no infonnation in 
the literature, turned it from mere conjecture, to a mysteriously shrouded and chilling 
historical event. I again did cursory searches in the literature, and found virtually nothing 
on the subject. I informed my neighbor of this. We all fell back into life’s rhythms and 
demands, moving on. Their stories however, stayed in the back of my mind, filed away 
for a future date when my schedule was less lean, and time was more generous. 
Photocopies of the file that my neighbor had provided to me were eventually lost after 
several moves (until a day not long after I had drafted this piece, when my husband 
insisted that I go through some old boxes, and lo! ... there was the long-lost file.) I am 
indebted to both my colleague and my neighbor, for sending me down this meandering 
path of discovery and despair. If I can locate them, they will get a copy of this piece and 
hopefully, they will forgive me for the belated answers to questions that stumped us all. 
The victims above all, have a right to know what happened, and that is something that has 
never been acknowledged by those who coordinated and conducted the St. Louis aerosol 
studies. 

This has been a long discovery of peeling back layers of deception and secrecy to locate 
historical accuracy in this complex case study. My challenge beyond uncovering how it 
was that the St. Louis aerosol studies came to be, and all that they entailed, was to also 
explain how over a long period of time (in this case decades), a large number of rotating 
personnel- seemingly normal people (defined here as those who don’t desire to impose 
hann on others in general) can knowingly come to engage in harmful or criminal actions 



3 




towards others, or in unethical actions for the benefit of their organization. How can this 
be explained through this case study as well as the existing literature? How is it that 
given such a scenario, that even larger numbers of people can have no knowledge that a 
long series of harmful historical events occurred, even when they themselves may have 
been victimized? How can the existing literature explain the element of complex 
organizational actions, which diffuse internal and external dissent by hundreds, 
thousands, or tens of thousand of people involved in or directly effected by an 
organization’s actions? How does it come to be that normally ethical individuals, who 
may be highly educated, and ethical and moral in other spheres of their daily lives, would 
carry forth the work of an organization that is hannful to others? How do we explain the 
ordinary “thousand people below” (those working for the elite, decision-makers in an 
organization), who seem to have no ethical sense in their sometimes substantial 
contributions to harmful organizational actions? 

This piece reveals the emergence of a secret post-Manhattan Project group, referred to 
here as the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. Members of this elite group embraced their 
roles as scientists engaged in the war effort for the United States, but their work would 
take an ugly turn during the Cold War that followed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, when they 
engaged with breathtaking detachment and frequency in human subject testing of 
radioactive isotopes. I examine the efforts of this group from the springboard of a series 
of classified but seemingly innocuous-sounding military-sponsored studies targeting 
civilians in the city of St. Louis, Missouri, beginning in 1953. What is framed as a 
simple study of cloud dispersal in an urban area is in fact, a deliberate, menacing 



4 




targeting of American civilians in a long series of experimental Cold War weapons 
research and development that would ultimately target Russian civilians. Furthennore 
and most disturbingly, evidence indicates that the St. Louis aerosol studies may have 
involved the spraying of unsuspecting vulnerable populations with pernicious radioactive 
isotopes. 

In this case study, we see a convergence of military and corporate interests, supported by 
political elites that served as defenders and champions of the Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition. Stretching over five decades, state-sponsored human subject testing 
undertaken by members of the coalition was systematic, coordinated, and involved 
humans of all ages, both alive and dead. The astoundingly vast, highly-coordinated 
efforts of the coalition, and the decades-long series of projects warranted a shifting in and 
out of personnel, who were all required to maintain the utmost of secrecy and deception 
towards those outside the organization. This piece attempts to explain 1) how large 
numbers of individuals (in this case thousands were involved in the highly-coordinated 
efforts of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition) inside an organization, can maintain 
sustained actions in secret that deviate greatly from society’s norms, particularly when 
those actions are harmful to outsiders. There are many threads in the literature that 
advance our understanding of organizational structure, elite deviance, crime, and 
bureaucracies, but none fully explain the activity of this vast network of elite scientists 
and support teams of tens of thousands of individuals, who advanced the mission of the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, and who were involved in reprehensible acts of human 
experimentation over five decades of the Cold War. This analysis examines 



5 




organizational motivations along with the inter-organizational dynamics inside the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. Specific mechanisms are employed that control 
potential dissent, both inside and outside the organization, and allows for uninterrupted 
continuance of non-normative activity by the coalition. In regard to these elements or 
organizational dynamics, this piece is unique to the literature. 

I look first at my original concept of ethical autism, defined here as the purposeful 
reduction or blockage of information inside an organization or group, intending to 1) 
distort the perceptions of insiders to ensure compliance and advancement of the 
organizational goals 2) minimize the awareness of collective illegal and/or unethical 
activity of the organization, 3) create a false sense of security to members within the 
organization from outside threats due to illegal or unethical activity, 4) to stifle 
opposition, critical analysis, and ensure confonnity to the organizational goals. Ethical 
autism ensures that the significance of harmful organizational actions will be 
underestimated by an internal audience; the control of information in this case study was 
essential to generating ethical autism. 

I next propose the original concept of social autism to explain how organizations can 
successfully, systematically, and purposefully impede meaningful infonnation flow to an 
external audience, in order to manipulate public opinion, impede public debate and 
dialogue, and to ensure that the significance of harmful organizational actions will be 
unknown to or underestimated by an external audience. Three specific mechanisms 



6 




2 

(snipping, spinning", and blizzarding), explained herein, are used towards this end. 
Snipping and blizzarding are original concepts, and unique to the literature. The three 
mechanisms (along with stonewalling) are used to regulate information outflow in an 
effort to obfuscate, downplay, or deny damaging organizational infonnation to various 
internal and external parties. The purposeful and strategic utilization of these 
mechanisms thereby create internal effects (ethical autism) and external effects (social 
autism) on various audiences, whereby insiders and outsiders are deceived as to potential 
dangers or harmful acts, and whereby full and open debate is strategically suppressed. In 
this way, we can explain how “ethical lapses” might occur inside large organizations or 
coalitions that employ hundreds or thousands of individuals who move in and out of the 
organization over extended periods of time, such as during the five decades of state- 
sponsored human subject testing in the United States. Through strategic use of these 
mechanisms, organizational leaders can control opposition, resistance, and debate both 
inside and outside the organization, in an effort to advance uninterrupted, organizational 
goals. Thusly, as the control of infonnation is essential to generating ethical autism 
internally, the control of infonnation is also essential to generating social autism in the 
external community. 



2 

" “Spinning” is a public relations term originally used by various newspapers such as the UK Guardian in 
the late 1970s, or early 1980s. 



7 




CHAPTER I 



METHODOLOGY 



The principle of medical and surgical morality. . .consists in never performing 
on man an experiment which might be harmful to him to any extent, even 
though the result might be highly advantageous to science, i.e., to the health 
of others. . .it is immoral, then, to make an experiment on man when it is 
dangerous to him, even though the result may be useful to others. 
(French physician Claude Bernard, 1865) 3 



z 



A complex case study requires a variety of research methods to adequately address the 
issue; one methodology will not suffice in this type of multi-layered, multi-dimensional, 
long-sustained problematic. In fact, no single methodological approach would come 
close to explaining, or even defining the problem. When we look to the existing 
literature, some theories can explain part of the organizational dynamics and actions that 
occur in this case study. We can examine contributing elements such obedience, group 
influence/ group think, rationalization, compartmentalization, tapping into ordinary 
attributes and personal goals to harness enthusiastic participation, dehumanization of 
outsiders (victims in particular), and the climate of the times. All of these help us to 
understand the events herein, in part. Yet complex crimes or acts of harm by an 
organization over an extended period of time, involving the contributions of thousands of 
seemingly “normal” people (no ill-intent) require us to go further in our explanation. Do 
all of the participants even realize that they are participating in hannful acts? If the 

3 U.S. House of Representatives, 1994: 118. 



8 




victims don’t know a harmful act has occurred, should we assume that the internal 
organizational participants know? Certainly some participants have full and complete 
knowledge, but do all? 

My task was to look at this complex phenomenon from the vantage point of this specific 
case study. The actions of participants are not sufficiently explained by existing theory. 
The medical model does not suffice to explain organizational dynamics here, because the 
individuals that supported and advanced the projects for the military-scientist elites, were 
likely not pathological or deviant. In fact, one could argue that behind the efforts of the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition were normal, high-functioning universities and other 
institutions in this particular case. Indeed, this helped in part, to conceal the activities of 
the organization. The human rights model does not explain what occurred, either. At the 
time that the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition emerged at the end of WWII and the 
beginning of the Cold War, American exceptionalism was at a peak. The elite decision- 
makers of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition felt justified for their actions, in that they 
believed that they must preserve American freedom, as the most important place freedom 
and rights, in order to preserve world freedom. This in fact, was the basis of Cold War 
ideology. Indeed, it was the suspension of the human rights model, that allowed for 
ethical and social autism. The criminology model perhaps best explains the actions seen 
herein, except it too, falls short. There was indeed, criminal behavior at the top of the 
decision tree in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, and state crime is certainly applicable 
here. Crimes against humanity could also be applied effectively in this context. Yet, we 
cannot explain the actions of the thousands of underlings — many of whom did not fully 



9 




understand the role that they were playing in advancing the project as a whole, or even 
what the project was, in part because it was highly classified. The vast support staff 
beneath the decision-makers, advanced the harmful acts as ordered by the elites of the 
coalition, even if unbeknownst to that staff. The fundamental question here is however, 
how the thousands of underlings (seemingly good people and citizens in other spheres of 
their lives), who moved in and out of the organization over a period of many decades, 
came to participate in harmful actions on behalf of the organization. 

Early reviews of secondary sources had all posited that the St. Louis aerosol study was 
related to bioweapons and/or chemical weapons. Primary sources — in this case Anny 
documents— also implied that the St. Louis tests were related to bioweapons, but 
evidence was in fact quite scant, and agencies were not forthcoming with information. I 
followed the chemical/biological direction set out by the earlier researchers and the 
Anny, and as a result, found many imposing brick walls in my path, whereby I would 
reroute along another fissure to explore. There were vague mentions of the St. Louis 
study, but nothing substantive in the literature, anywhere. I initially spent many hours 
reviewing material related to radiation studies, but became nervous that I was burning 
time on the calendar that I could ill afford, so I abandoned that tract, and re-doubled my 
efforts towards chemical and biological weapons testing. My task of unveiling the facts 
of this case study was not an easy one. Through this painstaking process, I initially spent 
many hundreds of hours looking for a radioactive needle in a chemical-biological 
haystack. It was when I was well into researching chemical and biological weapons and 
not finding much substantive infonnation on the St. Louis study, when I picked up Eileen 



10 




Welsome’s book The Plutonium Files. Her book had lingered on my bookcase for about 
a year, and I had no time for what was now relegated to recreational reading. As I drifted 
off to sleep each night however, I read bits of Welsome’s book, and chords of familiarity 
slowly unfolded for me. Events and familiar names aligned in provocative ways with my 
own research. Pieces of the puzzle continued to fit together, and early one Sunday 
morning, I had the jarring realization that the St. Louis aerosol study was much more 
aligned with radioactive military testing than with bioweapons or chemical weapons 
projects, and that a network of Manhattan-Project related scientists seemed to be tied to 
the St. Louis study. I found this revelation literally breathtaking, and the daunting task of 
putting this infonnation together even more so. 

I sent out at least forty Lreedom of Information Act requests to every agency that had 
potential involvement, and that in itself, was a test in fortitude as request after request 
came back with not a single sheet of data or information. The Army at Aberdeen Proving 
Ground finally came through, where paralegal Brian May provided me with a “blizzard” 
of documents in electronic format. This gave me more needles in more haystacks, along 
with concrete evidence confirming the blizzarding tactic as a response to public inquiry. 

I spent endless hours reading dry military data to find the hidden gems within the old 
military reports. Indeed, there were a few there. After some often-terse written 
communications with the Office of the Command Judge Advocate at the Department of 
the Army, Dugway Proving Ground, I was provided with another blizzard of documents 
at a nominal fee. Appreciative for anything through LOIA, I was nevertheless 
disappointed that Dugway continued to deny some documents to the public (and to 



11 




researchers such as myself), by their own admission. In fact, some documents were 
available for distribution to government agencies only, including a very important, 
Behavior of Aerosol Clouds within Cities, Part 2; technical Summary, April 1954, which 
summarized the findings of the St. Louis study. Dugway refused to provide this crucial 
document to me, even after I appealed the decline. Nevertheless, I appreciate the 
hundreds of pages of documents that were provided to me by Kateni Leakehe, Major, 
U.S. Army, Command Judge Advocate at Dugway Proving Ground. The FOIA 
responses that I received varied from mostly blatant denial, to stonewalling, and 
blizzarding. Clearly, the control of infonnation that played such a key role in the St. 
Louis aerosol study and the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition’s work, and was essential to 
generating ethical and social autism, was impacting my own research as well. 

Infonnation is still controlled through the same mechanisms, and this became quite 
obvious as I attempted to gather, declassify, and analyze government documents, a full 
six decades after the first aerosol experiment in St. Louis. The mechanisms that were 
used to maintain the lock on military infonnation related to the St. Louis aerosol studies 
when I requested documents for this project, and the mechanisms used to control 
information outflow and thus public inquiry and critical analysis internally through the 
Manhattan Rochester Coalition during the past several decades while testing was 
ongoing, were identical. Thus, theory and methods were brought together in this study. 

I pulled and reviewed hundreds of news articles from Lexis-Nexis, along with regional, 
national, and international newspaper searches, as related to chemical, biological, and 
nuclear weapons testing, hoping to find a mention about the St. Louis study. Some of the 



12 




most fruitful finds came from Congressional reports, which discussed human subject 
testing overall. In the 1990’s, under the direction of President Bill Clinton, Hazel 
O’Leary cleared the way for release of tens of thousands of documents related to human- 
subject testing. Indeed, she played a heroic role in truth seeking for scholars, reporters, 
lawyers, and American citizens who were victimized by human subject tests. 
Unfortunately, despite the release of these many documents during the Clinton 
administration, the military continues to maintain a high level of secrecy related to the St. 
Louis study- something I found curious, given the release of official records that have 
revealed some extraordinarily revolting experiments by the military during the same time 
period. As in the 1950s and 1960s, today the St. Louis aerosol study still remains mostly 
hidden. 

The National Research Council’s (NRC) Toxicological Assessment of the Army’s Zinc 
Cadmium Sulfide Dispersion Tests, proved to be one of the only resources for hard data, 
regarding actual release levels of the material sprayed in St. Louis and other cities in the 
United States. Notably, the NRC (who by Congressional and Anny request, took on the 
task of gathering information related to aerosol dispersion tests in St. Louis and several 
other cities such as Minneapolis), found its own path stonewalled by the Army. Thus, 
even the NRC’s official data had gaping holes and missing data, which I did my best to 
fill in from other sources, such as published articles in obscure science journals. 

I spent a few days in the Library of Congress, in Washington D.C., where I had some 
assistance from wonderful library personnel who were willing to go the extra mile for an 



13 




out of town researcher working on a tight deadline. Some excellent documents in their 
collection confirmed that I was moving in the right direction with my research, and 
provided key points to help understand the early fonnation of the Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition, and industry’s involvement. 4 

George Washington University’s National Security Archives document collection, 
provided a useful collection of research material. The research institute and library 
collects and makes available online to researchers, declassified documents pertaining to a 
plethora of important topics. Invaluable information can and was found there. Personnel 
at Washington University’s Rare Book Room generously opened some files for me, and I 
spent a day reading about tooth studies and other fateful events that turned out to be 
related to the St. Louis aerosol study, although I’m not sure I realized how useful those 
documents would be until much later, when I discovered Projects GABRIEL and 
SUNSHINE. Notably, data related to Monsanto was either removed from the file, or had 
never been added, which was surprising given their role in management and oversight of 
Oak Ridge National Laboratories during the 1940s. 

I did not interview participants for this project. Many victims and participants have no 
knowledge of the St. Louis aerosol study, so to locate interview subjects would be 
extremely difficult and arduous, particularly given the level of secrecy of the project. 

That said, oral history transcripts of high-level participants in human-subject radiation 
studies have been made available to researchers such as myself, through the U.S. 

4 

Word of advice, do not wander too far in the basement tunnels of the Library of Congress; you may never be seen 
again. 



14 





Department of Health and Human Services, and I utilized those interview transcripts in 
this project. The Oral Histories project was a controversial one at the time, undertaken 
by President Clinton’s Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments, which 
examined hundreds of radiation studies on American populations by the military and its 
contractors. The committee, headed by physician Ruth Faden, along with a variety of 
experts in science, ethics, medicine, and history, painstakingly assembled this oral history 
archive of interviews with high-ranking scientists and medical personnel who had 
participated in human experiments or were members of the elite Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition, in addition to their various written commission reports and online documents. 
The Presidential Advisory Committee’s Oral History Project was a very valuable primary 
source, that filled in the interview gap. 

The task for many research ventures, is to identify a gap in the literature and attempt to 
fill that gap, by way of theory and supporting evidence. There are other times that 
existing theory does not sufficiently explain events, and new theory, grounded in 
evidence, must be developed. This particular case study is not only instructive in 
understanding secrecy of the State and historical events involving the victimization of 
vulnerable populations, but in also understanding more about complex organizations, and 
how large organizations manage to effectively quash dissent internally to pursue-without 
interruption- hannful and/or illegal projects, and how the public can acquire no 
awareness of its own victimization at the hand of the State. Indeed, this case study opens 
up a Pandora’s box with more questions than answers. Countless times, I would turn a 
rock to discover a sinister secret, and find many more layers to peel back to reveal 



15 




another piece; I would have hundreds more rocks to sort through until finding the next 
hidden secret beneath. This project was a test of fortitude, and it gave me trust in my 
researcher’s intuition. What initially presented as a singular, local, isolated event, burst 
into an issue that could have taken me down hundreds of “rabbit holes”, and could have 
easily cost me a decade or more, in time. The more that I uncovered of this story, the 
more of an enigma the story became. Nevertheless, this complex case study required an 
equally complex methodological design to distinguish claims from events. It is my belief 
that this piece contributes to the literature in explaining complex organizational dynamics 
as it relates to large-scale and long-tenn internal participation in crime, harm, and 
unethical actions, and external responses or non-responses to harmful or unethical 
organizational actions. 



16 




CHAPTER II 



TARGET ST. LOUIS: 

MOSCOW AND AN AMERICAN “SLUM” IN THE CROSSHAIRS 



z 

Prompted by the dark and sinister Nazi war crimes involving human experimentation that 
were exposed during the Nuremberg trials, in August, 1947 The Nuremberg Code 
established a set of international research codes. Those including the following: 

1 . Voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. 

2. The experiment must yield generalizable knowledge that could not be 
obtained in any other way and is not random and unnecessary in nature. 

3. Animal experimentation should precede human experimentation. 

4. All unnecessary physical and mental suffering and injury should be avoided. 

5. No experiment should be conducted if there is reason to believe that death or 
disabling injury will occur. 

6. The degree of risk to subjects should never exceed the humanitarian 
importance of the problem. 

7. Risks to the subjects should be minimized through proper preparations. 

8. Experiments should only be conducted by scientifically qualified 
investigators. 



17 




9. Subjects should always be at liberty to withdraw from experiments. 

10. Investigators must be ready to end the experiment at any stage if there is cause 
to believe that continuing the experiment is likely to result in injury, disability 
or death to the subject. 

With World War II and the Nuremberg trials fresh on the minds of many, the Anny Chief 
of Staff published in 1952 with approval by the Secretary of the Army, seven guidelines 
and conditions in which human subjects could be used in military research. A second 
policy statement titled, The Use of Human Volunteers in Experimental Research, aka the 
Wilson Memorandum, followed shortly thereafter in 1953, and it was supplemented in 
1954 (U.S. House of Representatives, 1994: 125-27). The guidelines were published 
after “legal investigation and ethical review”, according to military records. (U.S. 

Senate, 1977: 178). Early guidelines, which were approved by the Secretary of the 
Anny (CS 385-30, June 30, 1952) presented the following protocol: 

1. Voluntary consent is required. Written consent must be witnessed, and signed 
by the individual concerned. 

2. No experimentation which could predictably lead to death or permanent 
disabling or injury will be investigated with the use of human volunteers. 

3. Proper medical supervision and treatment capability will be immediately 
available to the subjects. 

4. Experimentation must be expected to yield fruitful results for the good of 
society, not available by any other means. 

5. Experimentation should avoid all unnecessary physical and mental suffering. 



18 




6. The degree of risk taken should never exceed the importance of the 
experiment or the expectable benefits from it. 

7. The volunteer may remove himself from the experiment at any stage if he 
feels that he has reached the limits of his physical or mental endurance. 

The Wilson Memorandum also stated explicitly that a human subject involved in testing, 



. . .should have legal capacity to give consent; should be situated as to be 
able to exercise free power of choice, without the intervention of any element 
of force, fraud, deceit, duress, overreaching, or other ulterior fonn of constraint 
or coercion. . . (U.S. House of Representatives: 126). 

Deception in human subject testing is explicitly defined by the Department of the Army, 

as a fonn of constraint or coercion, which is strictly prohibited. According to Bernard 

Lo, physician and medical ethicist, deception includes, “all statements and actions that 

are intended to mislead the listener, whether or not they are literally true”; this would 

include the use of “technical jargon, ambiguous statements, or misleading statistics, not 

answering a question, and omitting important information” (Lo, B.: 50). Thus, according 

to Lo, deception does not necessarily employ an element of duress, force, restraint, or 

coercion, but it could occur covertly and subtly. The Wilson Memorandum instructs, 

. . .before the acceptance of an affirmative decision by the experimental 
subject there should be made known to him the nature, duration, and 
purpose of the experiment; the method and means by which it is to be 
conducted; all inconveniences and hazards reasonable to be expected; 
and the effects upon his health or person, which may possibly come from 
his participation in the experiment. (U.S. House of Representatives: 126) 

Here, the subject must provide consent before any testing begins, after being fully 

informed by those in charge of the study about the purpose, nature, method, means, risks, 

inconveniences, and health effects to that subject. In 1954, the Wilson Memorandum 

was supplemented to include the element of comprehension, whereby, “...the human 



19 




subject should have sufficient knowledge and comprehension of the elements of the 
subject matter involved as to enable him to make an understanding and enlightened 
decision” (U.S. House of Representatives: 127). In fact, any proposals involving human 
subjects were required to be reviewed by June, 1953 by the Anny Surgeon General with 
final approval by the Secretary of the Anny. The Wilson Memorandum guidelines 
appeared to be based on, but nevertheless deviated from the Nuremberg Code in several 
ways. First, consent was “required” with the U.S., whereby it was “absolutely essential” 
per Nuremberg. The Army alludes to the requirement of written consent, without 
explicitly mentioning it, however when obtained, it needed to be signed and witnessed. 
The Anny did not require animal experimentation prior to human experimentation, and 
did not stipulate that “injury must be avoided”, or that the study is not “random and 
unnecessary in nature”, as did Nuremberg. Although the Army stipulates in vague tenns 
that experimentation must yield “results for the good of society” 5 , Nuremberg requires 
that the “degree of risk” should “never exceed the humanitarian importance of the 
problem”. Volunteers could withdraw under either set of guidelines, however per Anny, 
only “if he feels that he has reached the limits of his physical or mental endurance”. 
There is no Anny stipulation whereby the researcher could end the experiment at any 
stage if there is cause to believe there is hann, injury or death occurring. Most notably, 
where Nuremberg stipulates that experiments should be conducted by “scientifically 
qualified investigators”, the U.S. military omitted this requirement, and thus, with the 
stroke of a pen, the U.S. Anny deemed anyone qualified to perform human subject 
testing. 



It is unclear as to who decides what is for “the good of society” in the Wilson memorandum. 



20 





SHIFT IN MISSION 



On a spring afternoon in 1945, a group of scientists, all highly educated young white 
men, affiliated with elite universities across the United States, met at their usual location 
in Rochester, New York. The building was secured, and the window shades were down 
and fixed. At the helm, sat Dr. Stafford Warren, Professor of Radiology and Chairman of 
the Department of Radiology at the University of Rochester School of Medicine and 
Dentistry. Dr. Warren had recently been commissioned colonel in the Anny Medical 
Corps. J. Robert Oppenheimer, chainnan of the Atomic Energy Commission’s General 
Advisory Committee, and project director of the Manhattan Project, joined the other 
scientists at the conference table, next to Oppenheimer’ s close friend Louis Hempelmann. 
Colleagues Willard Libby from the University of Chicago (although he would later move 
to University of California, Los Angeles), Joseph Hamilton of Berkeley, Wright 
Langham, who had worked on biomedical research at the Manhattan Project, and John 
Lawrence, also from Berkeley, were also in attendance, or would soon arrive to take their 
places at the conference table. The group of scientists discussed a proposal to inject a 
hospital patient at Rochester or Chicago with radioactive material such as plutonium, and 
then analyze their excreta and body fluids. Oppenheimer submitted his approval to the 
experiment in writing, but the men wanted help from their superiors at Manhattan 
Headquarters for the design of the project. They had each been assigned by the top secret 
Manhattan Engineer District (aka Manhattan Project), to head ten secret spin-off 
divisions of the Manhattan Project. Each division, located in strategic locations 
throughout the United States, would be uniquely responsible for research and 



21 




development of nuclear weapons; this included the testing of human bodies- both alive 
and dead- for the effects of, or exposure to radiation. 



Human subject weapons testing led by this group, would not be limited to the nameless 
patient at Chicago or Rochester. Nor would testing be limited to military personnel at 
remote sites. Testing that involved chemical, biological, and radiation simulants and 
compounds criss-crossed clear, blue skies, touched down upon the breadbasket of 
America into the wheat fields of the Midwest, and moved stealthily from shoreline to 
shoreline. In some cities, hiding in beautiful blue skies lurked sinister clouds of death. 
On sparkling California shorelines dotted with white sails and lined with beachgoers, 
deadly spores sprayed from regal-looking battle ships. On busy urban sidewalks while 
passersby rushed to work, invisible, carcinogenic particles were drawn deeply into their 
lungs, by the design of a few, privileged enough to know it was happening. Under the 
sparkling stars and clear bright moon, as children, their parents, and grandparents, slept 
on their porches or beneath an open window to escape the blazing heat of a St. Louis 
summer, toxins drifted silently inside through open windows and settled into their lungs. 
The particulates were designed to be optimal size for deep inhalation by the sleeping, 
unsuspecting victims. It was the Cold War, and this was America. 



BACKGROUND 

...we have identified hundreds of radiological, chemical, and biological 
tests and experiments in which hundreds of thousands of people were used as 
test subjects. These tests and experiments often involved hazardous substances 
such as radiation, blister and nerve agents, biological agents, and lysergic acid 
diethylamide (LSD). In some cases, basic safeguards to protect people were 
either not in place or not followed. For example, some tests and experiments 



22 




were conducted in secret; others involved the use of people without their 
knowledge or consent or their full knowledge of the risks involved. (U.S. 

House, 1994: 17). 6 

So began a Congressional Hearing in 1994, which could potentially reveal to Americans 
not simply ugly secrets of the historical past, but also a paradigm shift and a fundamental 
military strategy change, whereby the targets of military weapons were now civilians. 

The Anny began an aggressive program in the 1940s to assess the defensive and 
offensive use of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. Most Americans were 
familiar with the first major use of nuclear weapons in warfare-when nuclear bombs were 
dropped on Hiroshima, Japan on August 6, 1945, and three days later on the shipbuilding 
town of Nagasaki, Japan. In Nagasaki, the death toll from the atomic bomb reached 
approximately 75,000, with twice that number of victims dying later from lingering 
effects. Many Americans believed that after this jarring use of new warfare technology, 
the American scientists who had worked at the Manhattan Engineering District (aka the 
Manhattan Project aka Project Y) had packed their belongings and returned to their quiet 
academic appointments at prestigious universities around the country, to resume their 
pre-war teaching and perfunctory research. The scientists had been called to serve their 
country in a time of war, and their mission was complete. In the minds of some, the 
scientists would be linked forever not just to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but also to a town 
tucked away high in the red mesas of Los Alamos, New Mexico- a town that could not be 
more different from the Japanese port cities that bore the fiery, twisted wrath of the 
atomic blasts. Contrary to popular belief however, the Manhattan Engineering Project 
scientists did not slip back into an ordinary life after atomic bombs were dropped in 



6 



Testimony of Frank C. Conahan, Assistant Comptroller General, US Government Printing Office. 



23 




Japan. In fact, their lives forever changed by their experience at Los Alamos, many of 
the top scientists from the Manhattan Project had pennanently shifted career trajectory 
into the military realm, and would continue on this fateful new track for the rest of their 
lives. 

As revealed in one of several U.S. Congressional hearings on the subject, the United 
States military did not pause after the atom bombs dropped; in fact, they ramped up 
production of every type of weapon technology they had in their potential arsenal. 
Because much of the technology that was developed during the aggressive military push 
of World War II was new and untested, the military would need to harness the efforts of 
thousands or tens of thousands of people, to play a contributing role in advancing new 
weapons of war. Many would come from various branches within the academy, others 
from military war schools or officer’s clubs, yet others from inside dust-filled munitions 
factories, banks, and corporate boardrooms, and some would stand before the podium and 
microphone, in front of note -pad wielding reporters. Other roles needed to be fulfilled. 

To accomplish their lofty goal, the military needed not just labor and creativity, but a 
commodity much more precious: human test subjects, of all ages, whether willing or 
unwilling. The military was in fact able to very quickly harness wide swaths of human 
labor and ingenuity, if not genius, towards their goal to build the atom bomb, as goes the 
“official” story on the books. The military elites also needed the assistance of a 
complacent public that would accept military research and development as necessary, if 
not desirable. For a mission that included decades long human-subject testing without 
consent of the victims, full public support could not be obtained by convincing political 



24 




oratory or simple fear-mongering. Indeed, those methods would be employed, but to see 
the mission through, an open public debate would need to be suppressed, secrecy 
employed, and all potential dissent quashed both internally (those directly involved in 
research, development, and testing of deadly weapons), and among those external to the 
effort- the general public and potential victims. There is thus, a dark and chilling parallel 
layer below the publicly discussed narrative. Indeed, it is a layer of deception attached 
like a parasite to the underbelly of “truth”, involving a secret spin-off group of elite 
scientists from the Manhattan Engineering District, who would enjoy full freedom to 
pursue military-related scientific and medical inquiry with no accountability to their tens 
of thousands of human victims. 

World War II had ended with victory for the Allies in 1945, but it had left in its wake 
what came to be known as the Cold War. The Cold War would linger dangerously for 
four decades as the United States and the Soviet Union clashed in their attempts to retain 
power, which resulted in icy political relations between the two countries. In August 
1949, four years after WWII ended, President Truman announced that U.S. Intelligence 
officials discovered that the Soviets had tested an atomic bomb in Kazakhstan, and were 
developing nuclear technology for use in warfare. This Soviet capability came “years 
earlier than Western Intelligence services had predicted and radically shifted] the global 
balance of power” (Tucker: 123). This revelation virtually blind-sided political officials. 
It was predicted (and discussed in top secret memorandums) by high ranking military 
officials, that the Soviets would likely produce an atomic bomb by mid- 195 1, and that by 
1953, the Soviets would likely have nuclear capability to the tune of 100 bombs (U.S. Air 



25 




Force, 1954). 7 In another 1949 military report, it was stated that the earliest possible date 
by which the U.S.S.R. might be expected to produce an atomic bomb was mid-1950, but 
more likely in 1953. The nuclear arms race was on, and American military officials did 
not waste a moment in searching for ways to advance military technology and capability, 
with looming reports that by 1953 Soviets might have full nuclear capability. While 
some military analysts pushed for a ramped up biological weapons strategy, others 
(Navy) likewise pushed for limited use of chemical weapons (Tucker, 127). By 195 1 
however, a Joint Chiefs of Staff report “concluded that the USSR had biological weapons 
and was using large-scale field tests that targeted human subjects” (Guilemann: 96). 

This may in fact, have been mostly rhetoric to advance a specific military agenda. 
According to Clarence Y. H. Lo, 

after the outbreak of the Korean War, the Truman administration sought to 
use the rhetoric of national unity and military threat to mobilize the nation, 
including big business, into supporting the administration’s extensive military 
buildup. Business executives reacted to these calls for national unity by offering 
their own rhetoric in support” (Lo, C. 1982: 433). 

In fact, “time and again the administration had exploited the multifaceted ‘menace’ of 
Communism to mask America’s postwar expansion into Europe and the world for 
reasons having little, if anything to do with bolshevism” (Kolko: 650). Truman and his 
secretary of state Dean Acheson, “keenly saw the need to maintain a sense of danger 
from Russia and Communism that was the prerequisite for mobilizing protracted 



7 General S. E. Anderson, Director, Plans and Operations, memo to Director of Intelligence, "Implications of 
Soviet Atomic Explosion," 5 October 1949, attached to memorandum from General C. P. Cabell, U.S. Air Force 
Director of Intelligence to Director Plans and Operations, "Implication of Soviet Atomic Explosion," 6 October 
1949, Top Secret 

Source: Record Group 341. Records of Headquarters, United States Air Force (Air Staff), Deputy Chief of Staff for 
Operations, Directorate of Intelligence, Top Secret Control & Cables Section Jul 1945-Dec 1954, box 46, 9300 to 2- 
9399; as obtained electronically through George Washington University, National Security Archives; 
http://www.gwu.edU/~nsarchiv/nukevault/ebb286/index.htm#l 1 on June 2, 20 1 1 . 



26 



American efforts and high allocations” (Kolko: 650). In other words, in a move that was 
truly political in nature, Truman and his administration would instill a sense of urgency 
and fear of the Soviets and Communism to bolster the immediate need for increased 
military funding. During this time period, there was a “major increase in the growth of 
the U.S. national security establishment”, and by the end of 1952, national security 
expenditures reached a high of $64 billion a year (Lo, C., 1982: 427-28). Indeed, 
according to Kolko, et ah, “the historian will look hard to find responsible men who 
thought the Russians were an immediate military threat to the United States or Western 
Europe” (Kolko: 664). A threat may indeed have been there, however, in this study we 
find that military and political elites have, through the use of various mechanisms, the 
ability to construct the level of a threat; as it is constructed higher and higher we may see 
greater losses of freedoms in society. 

In 1953, after a long hiatus from political power, embattled Republicans gained control of 
the White House, when Dwight D. Eisenhower became President of the United States by 
an overwhelming majority. Although power had switched hands to the Republicans, 
Eisenhower in no way substantively changed foreign policy related to military strategy, 
and according to Anny documents, military officials continued to explore the viability of 
a bio-weapons program. As Eisenhower stuck to the mission of a general arms buildup, 
other methods of warfare were also advanced in U.S. laboratories. Indeed, the Arms 
Race was heating up, and the Cold War was frosting U.S./Soviet relations. Officials 
argued that “field studies” would be necessary, to increase confidence in their new 
weapons technology that sprang out of World War II efforts (Guillemin: 101). In an 



27 




echo of what American military officials charged of the Soviets two years earlier, 
American military officials would use their own “field tests” in 1953 to target American 
human subjects- indeed, civilians- in mid-sized cities on American soil, without the 
consent or knowledge of their victims. 



The Defense Department gave them colorful names, including Green Mist, 
Red Cloud, and Rapid Tan. Some borrowed from nature, as in Tall Timber 
and Swamp Oak. Others were ominous: Devil Hole and Night Train, for 
example. A few were stark, even cryptic, as in Deseret 69-75. They were 
all military exercises conducted in the cold war to assess how well American 
forces could fight while under attack from chemical or biological weapons 
(Shanker, 2002a: 36). 

Despite clever or even glamorous names, they all represented something much more 
sinister and much closer to home, than the fringes of what seemed to be a very distant 
Cold War. 



To accomplish the Anny’s goal of estimating munitions requirements for 
the strategic use of BW agents against cities, [the] researchers considered as 
test areas North American metropolitan areas that most closely matched the 
meteorologic, terrain, population, and physical characteristics of the Soviet 
cities of interest, such as Moscow and Leningrad (NRC, 1997b: 1 17). 

With specific urban and climactic conditions in mind, officials considered several 

Midwest cities including Oklahoma City, Kansas City, Omaha, Toledo, Cincinnati, St. 

Louis, Chicago, Minneapolis, and also Winnipeg, Canada. Of those, St. Louis and 

Minneapolis were selected as they both “met the desired summer temperature range”, 

desired population density, urban structural heights “in general not exceeding three 

stories”, the presence of universities for obtaining personnel to work on the project, 

cooperation of local officials including the U.S. Weather Bureau and police departments, 

and all the Soviet features that the Army desired to simulate in an urban American area 



28 




(NRC, 1997b: 1 18- 19). 8 Military officials told the few local officials that were notified 
about the studies, that the targeted testing was undertaken to advance military defense of 
American civilians located in these and other US cities, using what would be in effect a 
“non-hazardous simulant” “smokescreen”. 

LIE AND DECEPTIONS IN ST. LOUIS 

Medical ethicist Bernard Lo defines lying as “statements that the speaker knows are false 
or believes to be false and that are intended to mislead the listener” (Lo, B.: 50). This is 
distinctive from deception, which is “broader than lying”, in that it “includes all 
statements and actions that are intended to mislead the listener, whether or not they are 
literally true (Lo, B.: 50). Thus, intentionally false and misleading statements fall under 
Lo’s definition of lie, which is a form of deception. We clearly see lying and deception 
occur in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition case study. 

On a chilly February night in St. Louis at 1 1 :05 p.m., a young contractor for the United 
States Anny turned the valve to release the particles into the frosty air just above the 
sidewalk. The plume was carried aloft, meandering its way up above the trees, and then 
dropping down to street level again, swept down by the wind. The worker stood silently 
for five minutes as the motor purred, ticking out twelve grams of the mysterious, fluffy 
powder into the air. He knew little about what he was doing, other than following the 
instructions given by his crew leader earlier that evening. The job came about after 
seeing an ad on the university’s job-search bulletin board, and it seemed easy enough for 
a young student who wanted a non-demanding, part-time job. Most of the residents, 

g 

St. Louis was in fact. Army officials’ most favored city for the study. 



29 




some just a few feet away, were tucked into bed or dozing, while a local newscaster 
droned on about everything except what was going on outside their century-old windows. 
The data from the evening’s activities would ultimately be missing at the hands of the 
Anny, in a familiar pattern of missing data and other obfuscation, that would be no better 
explained by military officials during Congressional hearings in the distant mid-1990s. 
The residents in that fateful neighborhood, and others that were also targeted in St. Louis, 
Minneapolis, and other U.S. cities, had no idea that they had been selected for military 
field tests. Indeed, they had not been informed by local, state, or federal authorities, that a 
test would even occur; nor, were they advised to take any precautions. The Army would 
continue the aerosol study in St. Louis, through January 20, 1954. 9 

Four decades after the 1953-54 Army study, news began to stream into the press that 
those St. Louis residents, and tens of thousands of other victims in urban and rural areas 
throughout the country, had been used as unsuspecting test subjects by the U.S. military. 
Officials claimed that selected areas within the cities of St. Louis and Minneapolis had 
been doused in a “harmless” mixture of zinc cadmium sulfide (ZnCdS). Other parts of 
the country had been sprayed with other materials of varying toxicity. 

Anny officials lied to city leaders and residents, saying the tests were intended 
to see if smoke screens could protect the city from Russian bomber attacks. But 
recently released Anny reports admit that was a ‘cover story’ for. . . secret 
biological and chemical warfare tests (Sawyer, 1994). 

In fact, the aerosol studies were not as Army officials “admitted” during Congressional 

hearings in the 1990s, part of a defense strategy to envelop urban areas in a cloud of 

9 9 The 1953-1954 test series in St. Louis appears to have paused between July and November-resuming again on 
November 9, 1953, for reasons unknown. Given the large gaps in Anny data, however, these gaps may only reflect 
missing data, not a pause in testing. 



30 




smoke, hiding civilians from Soviet attack. Technology had advanced beyond that; the 
use of radar in the military (both U.S. and Soviet) made such a plan preposterous. St. 
Louis was not the only city to experience this fateful selection inside the crosshairs of the 
military, but it is the subject of this case study of lies, deception and unchecked state 
power. 

ST. LOUIS IN THE CROSSHAIRS: 1953 

Three distinct narratives emerge regarding the St. Louis aerosol study of 1953. The first 
was an “admission” by military officials that the aerosol studies were designed to test 
massive smoke clouds in which to hide U.S. cities from Soviet air attacks. The aerosol 
studies were thus described as defensive measures to protect civilians residing in the 
targeted city. A different narrative emerges internally however, from the official Air 
Force Biological Program historian, Dorothy Miller, in 1952 10 . According to Miller, the 
United States military wanted to understand the “predictable dispersal of aerosol clouds 
over the potential target areas” (Guillemin: 103). Although not terribly specific. Miller’s 
Air Force version of events leading up to the aerosol releases, indicates a military project 
of an offensive nature, where chemical dispersal becomes the focus, rather than one of 
chemical coverage or blanketing to hide potential victims. On the heels of Miller’s 
official report, the Army discussed the study in their own classified report, advising that 
the studies were in fact, “part of a continuing program designed to provide the field 
experimental data necessary to estimate munitions requirements for the strategic use of 



10 Sociologist Jeanne Guilleman cites the following source: Dorothy L. Miller, “History of the Air Force Participation 
in Biological Warfare Program, 1944-1951”, Historical Study No. 194 , Wright Patterson Air Force Base, Office of the 
Executive Air Material Command, September 1952. 



31 




chemical and biological agents against typical target cities” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 1 18). 11 
More specifically, officials outlined four “specific objectives” of the tests: 

1 . To detennine the reproducibility of street level dosage patterns in an 
essentially residential area under given meteorological conditions; 

2. To detennine whether the street level dosage pattern from a point source is 
affected by the source position, that is, when the generator is located at an 
intersection, at a point midway between intersections, at a point within a 
block, or on a rooftop. 

3. To detennine the effect on dosage patterns of day and night meteorological 
conditions. 

4. To obtain data on the penetration of the aerosol cloud into residences at 
various distances from the aerosol disperser, and to determine whether there is 
any residual background or lingering effect of the cloud within buildings (U.S. 
Anny, 1953b: 119) 12 . 

Despite military officials’ claims that the aerosol release objectives were to test smoke 
screen defenses for American civilians, the studies were in fact, as Miller alluded, 
undertaken to advance offensive warfare tactics against civilians in similarly featured 
Soviet cities. The tests’ objectives and selection of targeted areas were part of a vast, 
complex plan to advance use of chemical, biological and radiological agents in warfare 
against civilian populations in other countries. As the world recoiled in horror over the 

This 1953 report was obtained by this author through FOIA from Dugway Proving Ground; it was originally a 
classified report, and thus, unavailable to the public; the report is stamped "REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED-JOD, 
DPG). 

12 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to "unclassified” from "secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



32 




events at Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and Nuremberg, what had occurred in Japan was an ugly 
foreshadowing of future warfare tactics, whereby the newest of weaponry and methods of 
warfare would aim squarely at civilians. 

According to one researcher, officials overseeing this new covert project that targeted 
U.S. cities, would ultimately name it the St. Jo Program. “Tentative plans were made 
to conduct “tracer” tests in Minneapolis and St. Louis during the winter, spring and 
summer of 1953, and the winter of 1954. In addition according to the Anny, it was 
planned to conduct “tracer” tests in various industrial complexes in and near St. Louis 
during the fall of 1953 (U.S. Anny, 1953a). A similar study was planned for Winnipeg, 
Canada approximately ten days after the St. Louis studies, to accommodate rotation of 
the equipment that would be used at multiple test sites; the time delay would assist in 
transport, crew training, and arrangement of temporary accommodations for personnel 
(U.S. Anny, 1953a: 5 1). One Air Force historian stated in reference to the study that, 
“any expenditure figures finally derived will refer to a completely unprotected target 
population ”, (this author’s emphasis) “which is assumed to be exposed in the open in a 
city, during the whole time of passage of the biological cloud” (Guillemin: 103). The St. 
Jo offensive war “simulations” would begin in January 1953 in both Minneapolis and St. 
Louis. 

The U.S. Army described the 1953-54 St. Louis study as a “fluorescent particle tracer 
experiment”. Federal officials were however, not satisfied with nearly a year of 



13 

Although referred to by this name by sociologist Jeanne Guilleman, this author found no reference in any official 
report that referred to this study as the “St. Jo Program”. 



33 




aerosolized material dispersed over the city of St. Louis in 1953; they would return again 
to St. Louis in the 1960s for additional aerosol tests. 14 

TARGET ONE: MINNEAPOLIS 

According to the National Research Council (NRC), “a total of 160 tests using various 
simulants were conducted at 66 locations (both military and civilian targets) in the United 
States (including Alaska and Hawaii) and Canada” (NRC, 1997a). Aerosol testing would 
begin in Minneapolis, with St. Louis studies closely following. Problems occurred 
immediately in Minneapolis. Efforts to secure homes in which to locate samplers, was 
met with resistance and “field personnel encountered a considerable number of refusals to 
cooperate with requests for permission to locate sampling equipment in homes. As many 
as ten contacts were made for each acceptance” (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 14). The Army 
obtained rosters of police and fire department personnel, and letters from the Minneapolis 
mayor, the Chief of Civil Defense, and the Minneapolis Air Pollution Control Engineer to 
serve as introductions to city employees and residents. The letters were delivered to field 
office personnel for use in securing access to private homes and buildings for equipment 
location. “Thus, ‘official sanction’ was given to otherwise questionable results”, 
according to Army records (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 28). Project personnel also canvassed 
door-to-door in their efforts. Nevertheless, during the initials tests in the residential 
areas, “the police received numerous calls from residents reporting strange activities in 
the area.... for several evenings in succession, sampling equipment was molested by 
curious passers-by, and several sampling units were actually found missing from 

14 

The 1960s series of tests in St. Louis was held under the auspices of the U.S. Public Health Service, which was also 
concerned with chemical, biological, and radiological warfare. This may also have been used as another layer of 
deception to mask a military-sponsored study. 



34 




stations” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 29). As the Army notified officials and press of the 
Minneapolis experiments (assuming their claim of notification is accurate), or as 
observant local citizens became aware of the tests on their own or through the canvassing 
efforts, the Army came to experience both open and clandestine public protest of the 
Minneapolis aerosol studies. The St. Louis study would begin immediately after the 
Minneapolis study, with some crossover between the two studies, but there would be a 
dramatic difference in how the two cities were approached, in regard to notification of the 
public and authorities. 



TARGET TWO: ST. LOUIS 

The Anny contracted with Philip A. Leighton at Stanford Research Institute, and the 

Ralph M. Parsons Company in Pasadena, California, to design and oversee the St. Louis 

aerosol study, whereby two 25-square block areas in downtown St. Louis would be 

sprayed with what was claimed to be “biological simulants”. One fonnerly classified 

Anny document outlines the 1953-54-test range as a five square mile area (U.S. Army, 

1953b: 24) 15 . Additional Army documents note that officials specifically selected a 

“slum area” in downtown St. Louis (Sawyer, 1994). 

Oblique references are made to problems encountered in Minneapolis-lack of 
cooperation by residents, vandalism of equipment, and theft. The testers wanted 
to encourage more cooperation by the public in St. Louis than had been the case 
in Minneapolis. How to achieve this? Concentrate the tests in a poorer section 
of town and increase police surveillance. The testers theorized that poor people 
were less likely to object to strange happenings in their neighborhood, and if 
they did, the police would be there to control them (Cole: 64). 



Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



35 




According to historian Leonard Cole, the specific neighborhoods were selected to 
“minimize chances of resistance to the perfonnance of experiments”; thus, [Anny 
officials chose] “a slum where residents are less likely to be educated, inquisitive, or to 
question authority”, based on intensive local scrutiny in the earlier Minneapolis study 
(Cole: 64). But perhaps Cole’s analysis is only partly accurate. There are indications 
that the military had other reasons to keep the St. Louis study secret. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF ST. LOUIS HOUSING: 1950 

Two specific St. Louis areas were selected for the 1953 study: 1) “The How Area ” and 
2) “ The Item Area". The How Area was a “densely populated residential area including 
some commercial and manufacturing areas” near the center of St. Louis, located 
approximately two miles west of the Mississippi River and approximately one mile from 
the center of downtown St. Louis (U.S. Army, 1953b: 24) 16 . The How Area boundaries 
included Grand Boulevard (west), Montgomery St. (north), 22 nd (east) and Pine 
Boulevard (south). The Item Area was selected as a downtown area “encompassing most 
of the tall buildings in [downtown] St. Louis” (U.S. Army, 1953b: 24). The Item Area 
was bounded by the Mississippi River (east), Biddle St. (north), 18 th St. (west), and 
Spruce St. (south). Some of the studies during the 1953 test series targeted the entire city 
of St. Louis (Toxicologic Assessment, 1997b: 253; U.S. Anny, 1953b: 24; Appendix A). 
Indeed, one area was just adjacent to, and the other cut right down the middle of the 
Pruitt Igoe Housing Project complex, which was a new, imposing housing structure of 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah 



36 




eleven stories in the midst of a blighted, poverty-stricken area, populated by poor 
African-Americans. Pruitt-Igoe’s population was also strictly African American, as St. 
Louis had legally-mandated segregated housing in 1953. The total population in St. 

Louis City in 1950 was 852,023 ( Statistical Abstract, 1951). Thus, the “expanded” tests 
areas in 1953, indeed those that were citywide, targeted an estimated 852,000 individuals 
during each exposure, however the areas of concentration that were selected by those 
who designed the aerosol study, purposely targeted vulnerable populations in St. Louis 
city. 

The How Area testing included six St. Louis city census tracts that covered hundreds of 

city blocks. Those tract areas included the following: 

20A 

20C 

21A 

21B 

21C 

21D 

The Item Area testing included four St. Louis city census tracts. Those tract areas 

included the following: 

25A 

25B 

25C 

25D 

Formerly classified Anny documents confirm that, “ the How Area consists primarily of a 
densely populated slum district”, whereby “particular precautions” were taken to 



37 




minimize the “loss of equipment”, and to protect personnel (U.S. Army, 1953b: 27) 17 . 
Thus, the US Anny purposely selected areas where primarily persons of color resided, 
and further the military anticipated that criminal activity would present particular 
challenges to staff and equipment because it was an area where “non- whites” primarily 
resided. 

The 1950 United States Census of Housing, Block Statistics Data compared St. Louis city 
neighborhoods block by block. A total of 23,187 St. Louis residents were targeted in the 
combined How Area and Item Area studies. When the How Area alone is compared to 
untested and relatively affluent areas in St. Louis city, as detennined by average home 
value in dollars, there are marked differences in housing and population characteristics. 
For example, in Census Tract 19A, non- white residents residing in occupied dwellings 
numbered 30 out of 4,020 persons, totaling .75% of the population in that non-tested 
tract. In the How Area however, non-white residents in occupied dwellings varied 
between 67 persons and 4,106, depending on tract. Out of 19,213 total residents in the 
How Area, nearly 70% or 13,366 were “non-white” (U.S. Department of Commerce, 
1950: 4). In the Item Area, the number of non-white residents in occupied dwellings, 
varied between eight persons and 2,377, varying by census tract. Out of 3,974 total 
residents in the Item Area, 2,666 or 67%, were” non-white” residents (U.S. Department 
of Commerce, 1950: 4). Because housing discrimination was an issue that limited 
availability to people of color to an extraordinary degree in St. Louis in the early 1950s, 
those areas that were targeted by the military were likely known by officials (and were 

17 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 2011 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



38 




certainly verifiable through census data), to be areas where persons of color were 
identified as heads of households. There is thus, a marked racial component to the 1953 
aerosol study, whereby poor minority populations in St. Louis, were pointedly targeted 
for military-sponsored human subject testing. 

Anny reports were kept secret, and few local officials were notified before tests began, 
and only if they were essential to advance the project. The National Research Council 
later claimed that the Army and partner Stanford University needed to elicit cooperation 
from local authorities (at least those in Minneapolis, presumably) such as police and air 
pollution control officials, and local staff from the US Weather Bureaus to undertake the 
studies and avoid problems (NRC, 1997). Yet there is no evidence that any officials 
beyond the mayor’s office were notified in St. Louis; in fact all evidence indicates that 
the fewest possible officials were notified of the study. Study coordinators, concocted a 
cover story to deceive and mi sin form local officials and not reveal the true nature and 
purpose of the studies. In fact, “. . .city officials were told that the work was to obtain 
data pertinent to smoke screening of cities to prevent aerial observation” (NRC: 118, 
274). 



In St. Louis, meetings were held with city officials. . .to outline the summer 
test program. Meetings were also held with officials of Monsanto Chemical 
Company, Socony-Vacuum Oil Company, Granite City Steel Corporation, 
and the Board of Alderman of Granite City, IL. Full cooperation of the 
industrial firms was obtained, and permission was granted for use of 
company properties for field-test sites (NRC: 274). 



39 




The Army project successfully maintained relative secrecy throughout; this may have 

1 o 

been due in part to resistance seen in the earlier Minneapolis study. It is likely, 
however, that the Anny planned all along to maintain a higher level of secrecy in the St. 
Louis study, than they did in Minneapolis. The Army nevertheless claimed that, 

“although the St. Louis press was cognizant of the test program being conducted, only a 
few small articles were printed during the period” (U.S. Army, 1953b: 28) 19 . Purposeful 
efforts to strictly limit local awareness of the study, kept press attention, public 
awareness, and thus public protest, to a bare minimum. According to official documents, 
however, officials from two private companies- both defense contractors- had been 
informed about the study, even though local public officials, who were responsible for 
the health and wellbeing of citizens in their communities, were left uninformed. When 
later asked about the deception, one Army official explained that ‘“the anny didn’t really 
he. They just didn’t tell the whole truth”’ (Cole, L., 1994: 5). Thus, officials in the 
tight-knit group who knew about the plan, including military officials, defense industry 
insiders, and select members of the scientific establishment, participated in a deception of 
local officials and the public about aerosol studies that targeted non-suspecting civilians. 
As a result, the public did not know to hold military officials to the Army’s own protocol 
for human subject testing, as promulgated by the Anny Chief of Staff in 1952 (U.S. 
House, 1977: 178). Indeed, given the existence of the Wilson Memorandum, the 
military circumvented their own protocol for human subject testing, by omitting 



1 8 

The Minneapolis experience does not folly explain the level of secrecy planned and maintained for the St. Louis 

study, however. There were other motivations at play involving the St. Louis study. 

19 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 2011 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



40 




important infonnation about the nature of the tests in St. Louis, and not notifying citizens. 
This important omission would fall under Lo’s definition of deception (Lo, B.: 50). 

EQUIPMENT, METHODOLOGY, AND PERSONNEL 

Personnel at Stanford Research Institute/Stanford University designed an air-sampling 
unit to be used in the St. Louis and Minneapolis aerosol studies, and they also outlined 
the overall design of the experiments. Under military contract, Leighton, et ah, were 
required to determine the following criterion: 

• The point or line source of aerosol generation, elevation requirements, and 
the general release of the material to be dispersed. 

• The number of tests to be conducted in each area, and the times of day to 
do so. 

• Design of “certain special tests ” (undefined in Army reports). 

• Special requirements such as location of sampling equipment in residences 
and buildings (U.S. Army, 1953a: 12). 

The sampling units were custom built specifically for the Minneapolis and St. Louis 
studies. All field and lab activities were the responsibility of the Ralph M. Parsons 
Company, which also held a contract with the U.S. Army for the project (U.S. Anny, 
1953a: 12). The metal sampling units were approximately 14 by 14 by 10 inches, with a 
metal nozzle that extended from the side of the box. A suction motor run by battery 
made a “ticking and purring” sound, according to a January 20, 1953 article in the 
Minneapolis Tribune. The article also noted that, in the Minneapolis study, “the Ralph 
Parsons Company name appear[ed] on the sides of the cars “from which guards watch the 



41 




boxes” ( Minneapolis Tribune, Jan 20, 1953, as cited by U.S. Anny, 1953a: 14). 
According to Army documents, “the first four tracer tests were planned and supervised 
jointly by Stanford and Parsons personnel. Subsequent planning and operational 
supervision were performed by the Parsons field office” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 32). 
Problems occurred throughout the process, however, and this affected both the scope of 
the study and the quality of the data. One secret Army report revealed that, 



the tight labor market in St. Louis made it difficult to obtain adequate 
personnel, particularly responsible personnel. The scope of several of the 
tests were limited by failure of employees to report for duty. It was necessary 
to discard some data because of obvious poor quality and incompleteness. 

The rapid personnel turnover, coupled with the generally disinterested attitude, 
made it extremely difficult to retain even a nucleus of trained people (U.S. 
Anny, 1953b: 22-23). 

The Anny acknowledged that it “discarded” data related to the St. Louis study, but we 
have no way of knowing if it was for reasons stated. We do know however, that 
incomplete and missing data was what the National Research Council had to work with, 
when they examined the process and effects of the St. Louis and Minneapolis studies in 
1997. 



According to official documents, fifty-three part-time employees worked on the 1953 
study in positions related to administrative, meteorology, laboratory, and instruments 
needs. The Army reported that it was “difficult to obtain sufficient personnel of any 
description and in particular responsible people for balloon captain positions. 

Considering the tight labor market, this situation will undoubtedly continue throughout 
the period of the project in that city” (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 24). The earliest tests were run 
20 

It is uncertain if this includes the specially “security-cleared personnel” who are virtually unmentioned in the official 
documents. 



42 




by “a small group of inexperienced part-time workers”, according to official documents 
(U.S. Anny, 1953a: 32). 21 

Prerequisites for hiring in both the Minneapolis and St. Louis studies, were that “men met 
minimum security requirements and that each man have a means of transportation” (U.S. 
Anny, 1953a: 35)."' Many of those who were employed to participate were college 
students. Operators of the aerosol generators were selected from “those men possessing 
some mechanical aptitude and technical background”, as operation of the equipment 
required “a reasonable degree of mature judgment” (U.S. Army, 1953a). Washington 
University in St. Louis, had conveniently hired four fonner Los Alamos scientists; they 
were likely useful contacts from which to recruit temporary student workers with some 
technical knowledge. According to official documents, local college students with lab 
experience were employed in the labs where exposed filters were attached to glass slides; 
some were civil engineering students from Washington University (U.S. Army, 1953a: 
50). An operating manual prepared by Stanford University was used to train men in this 
capacity. Officials reported that this process went smoothly in Minneapolis, but, “one 
problem inherent with employment of students, however, is the general dearth of 
manpower during periods of final examinations and vacations. ..during this period tests 
were conducted with some difficulty” (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 37). 23 



This may explain the omission of “scientifically qualified investigator” requirement when comparing the Wilson 
Memorandum to the Nuremberg Code. 

22 An additional team with higher security clearance were also involved in the study, but again they are not discussed in 
most of the official documentation. 

23 

This may explain the gap in data between July and November, 1953. 



43 




It is noted repeatedly in official documents that there were concerns related to 
contamination of the field office and laboratory by equipment used in the field, and 
measures were taken to avoid this, including storage of equipment at a remote location. 

In Minneapolis, for example, the contaminated equipment was stored at the home of the 
“chief of the disperser crew”. “The panel truck used for transportation of the generator 
and crew during test operations [was] procured from a rental agency also remotely 
located from the field office” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 41). Even the radios, and batteries 
used to power the remote generator were segregated from other equipment after use, 
tested for contamination, decontaminated if necessary outside, and stored away from all 
the other equipment, “to eliminate any possibility of contamination of field office 
premises from this source” (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 42). The Anny claimed that the material 
sprayed in St. Louis was zinc cadmium sulfide (ZnCdS), with a “fluorescent additive” for 
ease in lab analysis. Notably, the “fluorescent additive” is left unidentified in official 
records. 

For their tasks, all available men would meet prior to testing in a field office several 
hours in advance, to obtain directions and field data sheets for the daily operation. The 
field office for the 1953 tests in St. Louis was at a building in the 5500 block of Pershing 
Avenue, just north of Forest Park, that served as the temporary headquarters for the 
Anny’s aerosol tests (“Cancer Coincidence”, 1995). Three of the men that served as 
technicians in the aerosol tests in St. Louis claim that they never knew the nature of the 
tests, nor to their knowledge, was any other worker infonned as to the true nature of the 



44 




tests. The Army was thus maintaining secrecy down to the lab and field workers 
conducting the experiments. 



After a demonstration, the men and their equipment were then dispatched to various field 
test areas within the city. From this group, crew captains were selected to train new 
workers, disseminate instructions and equipment to a small team of workers, and receive 
information by phone as to location, date, hours, and number of men required at specific 
tests. Crew captains met in advance of the other men and were given maps that indicated 
the locations where each field crew worker would set up between one and three sampling 
units. Radio equipment was issued to crew captains and field crews. According to 
official records, the tests started with reports from meteorological stations regarding wind 
direction and velocity, which was tracked via weather balloons and instruments, prior to 
“tracer” release. Adjustment of equipment location might occur due to outcome of the 
wind direction tests. Once test personnel were in place, filters were exposed, samplers 
were started, and the aerosol generator dispersed the aerosolized material from stationary 
sources or the backs of slowly moving vehicles. 

Philip Leighton, a Stanford University chemist, and the primary author of the study who 
contracted with the Anny on the aerosol project, focused intently on perfecting a certain 
particulate size for the studies. Leighton required that the fluorescent particles in the 
aerosol studies be in the 1-5 ju size range” (Leighton, et ah, 1965: 334). Fluorescent 
particles and the optimal sizes were selected in part, because they were easy to observe 
under a microscope and offered “a very sensitive method of detection and quantitative 

24 Conditions did not always cooperate with their plans. In open test areas around Minneapolis, snow became a 
challenge, thus, sampling equipment was delivered via sleds and toboggans. 



45 




estimation”, according to a report published by Leighton (Leighton, et ah, 1965: 335). 
Particulate size would take on grave importance to those targeted victims who inhaled the 
dosages, and Leighton’s true purpose for selection of a specific sized particle may not 
align with his public narrative. The National Research Council, who was provided data 
on the St. Louis aerosol study by the Army decades later, noted that, “no reports on the 
toxicity of inhaled ZnCdS are available in the literature. Because the ZnCdS particles 
used in the Anny’s dispersion studies were so small, the particles could probably be 
inhaled and deposited deep in the lung. . .” (NRC, 1997b: 7). 

The material (claimed to be zinc cadmium sulfide) that was sprayed by the Stanford labs 
in the St. Louis study was referred to internally as "FP2266". FP2266 was 

manufactured by the New Jersey Zinc Company and the United States Radium 
Corporation. The United States Radium Corporation, located in New Jersey, had been in 
legal hot water decades prior, for producing luminescent paint that was used by girls and 
young female factory workers to paint watch dials in the 1920s. The young women were 
instructed to lick the paint-brushes prior to painting the hands onto the watches, in order 
to refine the point of the brush. As a result, the radioactive material in the paint sickened 
and killed many of the young women (Frame: 1). Radium 226 was mixed with zinc 
sulfide to make the radioactive powder that the workers used to paint the watch dials, and 
the compound was used in manufacturing until the 1970s (Frame: 1). It is unknown if 
“FP2266” was also known as or incorporated Radium 226, the radioactive radium 
product produced by United States Radium Corporation. Typically, the manufacturer is 
reflected in the “name” of the compound, whereby the compound might also be referred 

25 It is also possible that FP2267 may have been used in St. Louis; documents are unclear. 



46 




to as NJZ2266. In the St. Louis study however, Leighton refers to “FP2266”. 26 FP2266 
had a “maximum number of particles between 0.75// and 3.0// in diameter” (Leighton, et 
al., 1965: 335; NRC, 1997b: 141). The fluorescent, fluffy powder varied between 
yellow and green due to an unidentified additive, and the material glowed brightly under 
ultraviolet light. Silicate was also added to facilitate dispersal of what was claimed to be 
80% ZnS and 20% CdS (NRC, 1997b: 32-3). In an environment with high humidity 
such as St. Louis, it was often necessary to heat the powder in advance of use to obtain a 
fluff quality, which made dispersion easier utilizing a blower generator. 

After release of the aerosolized material by a blower generator, “a low trajectory free- 
flight balloon [was] released from the location during tracer dispersal to further define the 
local wind direction” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 44). “As some scientists launched weather 
balloons to track wind direction, others sprayed the particles into the air using aerosol 
generators at street corners and rooftops” (Sawyer, 1994). The particles moved 
downwind, and some were collected on sampling plates that were placed outdoors and 
inside buildings, including private homes. Workers would place the black sampling 
boxes downwind of the aerosol test, stay in their vehicles to watch the boxes, and obtain 
the necessary data, which would be processed later off-site. Thus, the Army could 
measure how the cloud of chemical moved through the air in the community, and into 
structures (Sawyer, 1994). Each release of material was typically one hour long 
(Venkatram, et al.: 20), and often at night (McElroy, 1997: 1027). Later studies of the 
releases in St. Louis noted an increase in the “initial size of the plume” immediately after 
the release of the aerosolized material (McElroy, 1997: 1028). 

26 Reasons for this distinction are discussed later in this paper. 



47 




Machine “operators were furnished chains and locks with which the sampling equipment 
could be secured to trees, lamp poles, or similar pennanent objects”, which limited 
tampering or theft of equipment by local citizens. One woman in St. Louis recalled the 
“mysterious black boxes chained to trees just down the block” from her house where she 
and her four children, as well as hundreds of her neighbors often spent the hot summer 
evenings outdoors to avoid the interior heat of the house. “I can remember saying, ‘what 
are they doing there?’... we went up next to them to see if they were ticking” (“Cancer 
Coincidence, 1995). Indeed, many residents even slept outside to avoid the oppressive 
summer heat of the tall brick structures that dotted the urban landscape of St. Louis in 
1953. 



After release of the aerosolized material, the sampling equipment was packed up and 
removed from the site. According to official Anny documents, lab technicians would 
visually identify and count illuminated microscopic fluorescent particles on the filters 
using a microscope. The results were documented on “exposure data sheets”, and plotted 
on a test area map. “The final total dosage data, in addition to virtual wind track vectors, 
balloon track directions, and aerosol release information, are then plotted on maps of the 
test area in preparation for more detailed analysis of the test results” (U.S. Army, 1953a: 
50). In all, St. Louis “tracer” personnel worked more than 3,000 hours in February and 
more than 2,500 hours in March 1953. The April-June tests alone totaled 7,5 1 1 



48 




97 

personnel hours for field and a portion of the laboratory labor (U.S. Army, 1953b: 25)“ . 
According to Army reports, the 1953 tests totaled 25,896 personnel hours from the rented 
field office in St. Louis. According to official records, staff members included a Division 
Chief, an Office Manager, and a Field Foreman (U.S. Anny, 1953a: 14). 

TWO DEGREES OF SECRECY: A PARALLEL ST. LOUIS STUDY 
A once-classified 1953 Army report - stated that, “all work of a possibly classified nature 
was performed by cleared personnel away from the St. Louis office, and no special 
measures incident to handling of classified material were required” (U.S. Army, 1953b: 

3 1)." Here, Anny officials hint to a secret parallel study in tandem with the ZnCdS 
study — indicating additional testing of an even more classified nature, beyond that which 
is included in the official record. This parallel study required special security clearance 
for personnel, and a separate, distant location for data analysis than that provided for the 
initial study. What is by appearances an off-handed note buried within a lengthy, dry, 
and fonnerly classified report, brings up several points and questions , some of which 
will be discussed here. 



27 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 

1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 

28 

The document was obtained by this author through FOIA from Dugway Proving Grounds, is currently stamped 
“unclassified”, with the notation from the Defense Documentation Center that “classification changed to ‘unclassified’ 
from ‘secret’”. In fact the initial stamp listed “SECRET-SECURITY INFORMATION” in duplicate at the top and 
bottom of each page of the report. Date of reclassification is not indicated on either the report or the cover letter. 

29 

Author’s emphasis. 

30 

This is a good example of blizzarding or “paper whiteout”. 

31 Among those not mentioned are also the following questions: Were the labor hours of these specially “cleared” 
personnel calculated into the tally of labor hours? Where and how were these classified samples analyzed? Did the 
Monsanto and other company officials fall into this tiny group of notified officials, because they would play a role in 
processing some of the lab results, or provide additional test materials to the Army? Given that scenario, were there 
different chemicals utilized in this classified portion of the study? If so, what were those chemicals? Who was 
targeted? How often? 



49 




IT 

First, it was argued (and continues to be argued by some official sources ) that the St. 
Louis study was defensive, rather than offensive in nature, when official records indicate 
otherwise. Likewise, it has been argued that military officials in 1953 did not officially 
recognize the toxicity of ZnCdS (NRC, 1997b). Indeed, officials refer to ZnCdS as a 
hannless “simulant”. Were it the case that Army officials believed that ZnCdS was a 
hannless simulant, than there would have been no discernable need on their part to: 1) 
suppress press attention 2) notify only a few select local officials on the apparent “need to 
know basis”, and 3) maintain infonnation related to the study and the results of the study 
as “classified” (or in this case more accurately, “secret”), which would exempt the 
information and data from Congress, the public, media, victims, legal interests, and other 
interested parties, unless there was a separate reason to maintain secrecy. Second, the 
“special measures” utilizing “special personnel” at a “special, off-site location”, were 
assigned a higher level of classified secrecy by the Anny, than was the rest of the secret 
study. 

Given the large gaps in data (gaps to which the Army admits), and given their own 
official statement that there was more data and infonnation than is discussed in official 
documents at that time, it becomes clear that crucial elements of the St. Louis study were 
omitted in official records. What possible additional aspects of this study are too secret 
to be classified as “Secret” in official military documents? In other words, what type of 



32 

And frequently repeated by non-official sources. 

33 

This is surprising given the long list of toxicological studies in the literature prior to 1953, which notes a high level 
of toxicity, particularly related to cadmium, which is a known carcinogen. 



50 




research took place in St. Louis that rose to a level classified above “Secret- Security 
Information”? 



THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL REVIEWS THE AEROSOL STUDIES 
In 1997, The National Research Council (NRC) 34 compiled and published the aerosol 
dispersal data of several U.S. cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis, as a result of 
Congressional and public pressure. 

Upon learning of the dispersion tests in the early 1990s, government officials 
and citizens in cities where the tests had occurred raised concerns about the 
thousands of people who might unknowingly been exposed to ZnCdS. After 
some information on the tests became public, people living in areas where the 
tests had been conducted attributed various illnesses, including cancer and 
reproductive difficulties, to exposure to the chemical (NRC: 2). 



The Anny denied any public health risks associated with the studies, but public and 
Congressional pressure (including Senator Ted Kennedy, Senator Paul Wellstone and 
Congressman Richard Gephardt) forced the hand of the Anny to release information to 
concerned citizens. In response, “. . .the U.S. Anny Environmental Hygiene Agency 
(AEHA) prepared reports that retrospectively assessed the health risk to humans who had 
been exposed to ZnCdS in those cities” (National Research Council: 2). Again, the 
Anny re-affirmed negative health effects from testing. Later the review was expanded to 
include public meetings in three cities where ZnCdS was reportedly sprayed, to review 
Environmental Protection Agency and Centers for Disease Control risk-assessment 
reports on ZnCdS, and identify gaps in research regarding ZnCdS exposure. The 
National Research Council “assigned the project to the Committee on Toxicology of the 

34 

The NRC may also refer to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission; in this piece however, it refers only to the National 
Research Council. 



51 




Board on Environmental Studies and Toxicology in the Commission on Life Sciences” 
(NRC: 3). St. Louis was omitted from the list of meeting locations. The NRC 
subcommittee ultimately issued two reports: one for public distribution which included 
the subtitle, “ Answers to Commonly Asked Questions ”, and consisted of approximately 15 
pages total, and another “technical report” (no subtitle) that comprised 358 pages. The 
shorter, public distribution report is available through any Internet search by the title, 
Toxicologic Assessment of the Army ’s Zinc Cadmium Sulfide Dispersion Tests: Answers 
to Commonly Asked Questions. The longer technical report ( Toxicologic Assessment of 
the Army ’s Zinc Cadmium Sulfide Dispersion Tests ) is referenced through a general 
Internet search, however it must be purchased online. ~ Not only are the titles identical, 
other than the subtitle included on the short report whereby one might easily confuse the 
short report for the long, but those interested in obtaining the report might infer that a 
particular party is selling a report that can be obtained online for free, and thus, they 
would likely obtain only the free, short report. The difference between the reports 
regarding data is dramatic. The short report provides very little infonnation, and glosses 
over the tests themselves, health infonnation related to zinc cadmium sulfide exposure, 
and offers very little (and often conflicting) data. 

The 1997 NRC technical report noted that the 1953-54 releases were conducted at the 
Anny designated locations of “How” and “Item” areas in St. Louis (NRC, 1997b: 260- 
61). Some of the dispersant came from a single point source, and others were dispersed 
over a length from one point to another (presumably by vehicle), for up to 10,750 yards. 



35 



Cost for the technical report for this author was approximately $45 USD in 2010. 



52 




(See Appendix A). In the short, public-distributed report, the NRC subcommittee states 
that “the highest estimated cadmium intake from the zinc cadmium sulfide dispersion 
tests was 24.4 [micrograms] in St. Louis”, based on a cadmium content of 15% of the 
ZnCdS compound (NRC, 1997a). The subcommittee also acknowledged, that “the 
ZnCdS used in the Anny studies was composed of about 80% zinc sulfide (ZnS) and 
20% cadmium sulfide (CDs) (NRC 1997b: 6; 32). It is unclear whether the NRC should 
have adjusted their calculation to account for a higher cadmium level. 

Conflicting data emerged from the NRC report. There are discrepancies in the report; 
they note for example, an estimated cadmium exposure in St. Louis of 19.2 micrograms 
“maximal exposure per person” (NRC, 1997b: 77). Yet, the subcommittee also refers to 
a calculated “highest estimated potential exposure dose” of 156p (micrograms) in St. 
Louis (NRC, 1997a). The 156p level disputes the NAS’ own technical report of 1997, 
that indicates a level of 1,898 micrograms per cubic meter, as dispersed on Saturday, 
June, 20, 1953. This level exceeds the levels used in the subcommittee’s calculations in 
the public report (NRC, 1997a; 1997b). These combined errors indicate a cadmium 
exposure level of not 24 p. but rather roughly 38 u on just that one individual date in St. 
Louis. 36 

The 1953 raw data for St. Louis, was not provided in full to the National Research 
Council when they compiled an Army-supported study on cities sprayed with zinc 
cadmium sulfide. The NRC acknowledged in their 1995 technical report that complete 

36 

The NRC notes that this is general exposure data, not specific or individual data. Individual cadmium levels are 
essential for determining specific health effects from exposure, per epidemiological study guidelines, but 
environmental exposure can indicate general causation of health effects based on overall ambient exposure to a 
population. 



53 




data had not been provided to them, or that there were errors in calculations. The 
following statements all appear in the NRC technical report regarding the military’s 
aerosol studies: 



• “There should be much more information about this test in files. . (NRC, 

1995b). 

• The paper has some graphs of “concentrations” in particles. . .and “maximum 
concentrations”, although the basis for these graphs is not given. . . .However, no 
raw data were provided in the paper, and much of the infonnation needed for 
accurate estimates is missing” (NRC, 1995b: 192). 

• “It was noted that the conversion from ZnCdS to cadmium concentration [was] in 
error” (NRC, 1995b: 325). 

• Terms used in the toxicity-assessment portions of the documents include 
“inconclusive studies”, “limited data”, “not generally associated”, and 
“inconclusive data”-all vague and left unexplained (NRC, 1995b: 330). 

• “A technical summary of the data from these studies was to be published by 
Stanford, but it is not available for this report” (NRC, 1995b) 

• “A final administrative and operational report was to be published by the Ralph 
M. Parsons Company, giving an enumeration of all field tests, but it is not 
available for this report (NRC, 1995b). 

• “No complete summary of all the tests performed in any city is available, and the 
results of some tests were not reported anywhere in the series of Anny-issued 
Joint Quarterly Reports [JQRs]. Critical pages of some of the JQRs are missing, 
so that certain details (particularly the amounts of material released) are not 



54 




available for some tests. There are occasional slight differences in details 
between the available summary tables and the detailed infonnation in the 
appendices of the JQRs...” (NRC, 1995b) 

• “Individual digits of some of the numbers might be incorrect, because of 
unreadable script in the available reports” (NRC, 1995b). 

Various parties have requested the data from the Anny: House and Senate 
subcommittees; several members of Congress such as now deceased Senator Paul 
Wellstone; the National Research Council; and researchers (including this one), yet the 
full and complete data seems elusive to requestors, being declared either missing, 
unavailable, or of classified status. During the Clinton administration, the military was 
ordered to open their books on past human subject testing, and to embrace a new era of 
transparency. This extraordinary effort, under the direction of President Clinton’s 
Secretary of Energy, Hazel O’Leary, ushered in unprecedented transparency related to 
state-sponsored human subject testing. In response to President Clinton’s mandate, the 
military came forward with thousands of pages of formerly classified studies of a notably 
sinister nature, involving civilians, children, infants, prisoners, commuters in public 
spaces, and pregnant women. Yet for all the revolting revelations, infonnation involving 
the St. Louis aerosol studies continues to be “missing” and withheld, particularly data 
from the 1953 study. Indeed, we know little of what took place in 1953. This begs 
further scrutiny, and suggests that something dark took place that military officials, still 
believe wanants secrecy. The first series of tests in this St. Louis test study concluded on 
January 20, 1954, but a decade later and before the shroud of secrecy had been partially 
lifted, federal officials would once again land in St. Louis to conduct additional studies. 



55 




1963 TRACER STUDY 



A second series of “tracer studies” began in 1963 in St. Louis, and those involved in this 
subsequent study included the United States Public Health Service, and the U.S. 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare in Cincinnati, Ohio. According to one 
insider who worked for the Public Health Service, in the early 1950’s, the U.S. Public 
Health Service was interested in the public health effects of radiation, and thus, planned 
at that time to establish a. . . large radiobiological research unit” (U.S.DOE, 1995). 

In the 1963 study, several sites were set up with instruments to measure the levels of 
aerosolized material that were released into the air. One set of four instruments was 
attached to a radio tower at KMOX-TV in central downtown St. Louis. The aerosol was 
released in the “southeast corner of Forest Park” (Pooler, 1966: 677), roughly at the 
comer of Clayton and Faulkner Roads, according to the 1997 NRC technical report. 
According to the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Forest Park releases were located at a pond 
east of the Planetarium in the park (Sawyer, 1994). The Knights of Columbus Building 
was located near the intersection of South Grand Boulevard and Gravois Road, where 
aerosol releases were dispersed from the rooftop of the “three story building in the midst 
of buildings and trees of comparable height” (Pooler, 1966: 677) "Those two sites 
[were] approximately 2.8 miles apart" (National Research Council, 1997b: 188). 
Sampling sites surrounded both release sites in circles or arcs up to five miles away to the 
Mississippi River. “The tracer was generally released for a period of 1 hr” in the 1963 
study (Pooler, 1966: 678). 



56 




Up to twenty workers were needed to conduct the St. Louis experiments in 1963. A 
cadre of approximately ten student workers were recruited from the Department of Civil 
Engineering at Washington University, where Engineering professor Ed Edgerly 
provided “on-call student help” to the study personnel working on the tests. (Pooler, 
1966: 678). Many of the tracer levels were much higher than what they had found in 
open-air emission tests in the countryside (Pooler, 1966: 681). The author of the study 
discusses how the “tracer” emissions would rise in a plume, “meandering back and forth 
in the crosswind direction,... selectively carried aloft by convective motions until finally, 
when most of the plume has removed from near the ground”, the tracer once again 
dropped down to ground level (Pooler, 1966). Air levels of zinc cadmium sulfide were 
measured as high as 7,400 micrograms over a 40 square mile area in a populated area of 
St. Louis (NRC, 1997b: 127). 37 A report at the time noted that there were 42 
experiments conducted, but only 32 of the experiments, "yielded usable dispersion data". 
The report stated that, "many of the excluded experiments yielded usable data for which 
analysis could not be made in the conventional manner used here. A separate publication 

TO 

is planned to report analyses of these data" (McElroy and Pooler, 1968: 5) . 
POST-STUDY CLAIMS BY OFFICIALS 

In July 1994, the military released official documents to Senator Paul Wellstone (D- 
Minneapolis) and Congressman Richard Gephardt (D-St. Louis), after Senator Wellstone 
began receiving individual inquiries related to the Minneapolis study from adults who 

37 

This release level was revealed in a graph, according to the National Research Council, in a presentation to the Air 
Pollution Control Association, which noted that the infonnation was incomplete- that there "should be more 
information available somewhere (National Research Council, 1997b: 140). 

38 

Clasification is not noted on this document; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, 
Dugway, Utah. 



57 




had been targeted in aerosol studies sponsored by the military, and who were convinced 
that health issues had been caused by those events. Documents provided to the 
Congressmen confirmed that, 

Anny officials [had] concocted a ‘cover story’ to win approval for the 
aerosol tests from the few city officials that they disclosed the infonnation 
to prior to the study. The Anny claimed the tests were intended to see if 
smoke screens could protect the city from Soviet bomber attacks 
(Allen and Best, 1994). 

“The smokescreen explanation was concocted to allay suspicions about the strange 
equipment and activities that passersby might notice. The misinfonnation effort included 
planting false news stories” (Cole: 61). Thus, officials involved did not simply engage 
in secrecy and covert actions targeting specific communities of disenfranchised citizens, 
but they went beyond that, by issuing false information to media, to deflect criticism and 
inquiry. The same day as the release of documents to Congressman Wellstone, Army 
Chemical Division officials claimed in a St. Louis press conference, that the “tests did not 
present a long-tenn health risk to the area” (Allen, et al 1994). Army Colonel John 
Doesburg also stated that, “the tests were aimed at understanding how the atmosphere 
carried the particles and not at how they affect humans” (Allen, et al., 1994). What the 
public did not know, however, was that the ZnCdS particulate size was specifically 
selected by Leighton to ensure optimal human lung absorption. Leighton’s careful 
selection of particulate size for the St. Louis aerosol studies was considered at length, 
based on properties such as inhalation rate and depth. “One Anny report notes that the 
small size of the particles was chosen because it “approximates that which is considered 



58 




most effective in penetrating into the lungs” (Sawyer, 1994). Yet through the 1990s, the 
Anny has continued to” maintain that the tests hanned no one” (Cole, 1997: 28). 

We can examine through a pre-1954 literature search however, whether infonnation 
related to human toxicity and health effects from cadmium existed when officials began 
the St. Louis study. 

CADMIUM TOXICITY IN THE OPEN LITERATURE (PRE-1954) 

“As early as 1656, Stockhusen described what is perhaps the first data on industrial 
cadmium poisoning”, whereby he found that “cadmium fumes cause gastrointestinal 
disturbances in foundry workers, these disturbances being accompanied by diarrhea and 
vomiting” (USPHS: 604). An 1858 study documented cadmium poisoning in three 
people via inhalation (Sovet, as cited by USPHS: 604), and other studies in 1888, 1893, 
and 1897 confirmed the Sovet study regarding the toxicity of cadmium, noting digestive 
and “metabolic disturbances”. Also in the mid 1800s (1865), well-known French 
physician Claude Bernard wrote An Introduction to the Study of Experimental Medicine, 
where he outlined medical ethics thusly: 

The principle of medical and surgical morality. . .consists in never performing 
on man an experiment which might be harmful to him to any extent, even 
though the result might be highly advantageous to science, i.e., to the health 
of others. . .it is immoral, then, to make an experiment on man when it is 
dangerous to him, even though the result may be useful to others. . .(U.S. House, 
1994: 118.) 

After the turn of the century, cadmium research continued whereby “investigations of 
poisoning caused by human exposure to cadmium” were reported in the literature by 

39 

The Army continues today to maintain their position that the aerosol studies were “harmless”. 



59 




Chajes (1929), Fisher (1926), Lewin (1929), Gadamer (1934), Schwarz and Otto (1925), 
Starkenstein, Rost, and Pohl (1929), Otto (1925), and Leschke (1934), among others. 
Many other investigations that involved animal studies (too numerous to mention here), 
bolstered the human studies related to the toxicological effects of cadmium. A 1923 
report of a fatal case of cadmium exposure, noted that the victim experienced “dryness of 
the throat, headache, rapid pulse, nausea, and shivering, with brown discoloration of the 
urine” prior to death (Legge, as cited by Bridge, 1929: 1 144). A number of other 
studies around the same time, noted similar symptoms as well as influenza-like 
symptoms. 

By 1929, Lewin and others found that exposure to cadmium was related to increased 
salivation, choking attacks, persistent vomiting, abdominal pain, diarrhea, and tenesmus. 
“These are the symptoms, according to most investigators, which occur most frequently 
in cases of poisoning due to cadmium” (USPHS, 1942: 605). One investigator noted that 
“respiration was retarded” due to exposure, and that attacks of vertigo and loss of 
consciousness occur. “According to Athanasiu and Langlois, “cadmium paralyses the 
central nervous system” (USPHS, 1942: 605). Another 1929 study of cadmium toxicity 
in the workplace echoed Lewin et al’s findings: “the part played by inhaled dust in the 
etiology of cancer of the bladder cannot be ignored. . .a few fatal cases of cancer of the 
bladder have also been noted among pitch workers. Their occurrence may be of 
importance” (Bridge, 1929: 1 146). Leon Prodan argued in 1932 that “cadmium is a 
dangerous substance and that the type of damage to be expected is of such critical nature 
as to indicate the avoidance of the inhalation or ingestion of even small amounts of 



60 




cadmium” (Prodan, 1932; as cited by Cole, 1997: 26). Cadmium was found to cause 
serious lung damage and according to Prodan, “one may conclude that cadmium, no 
matter how small the amount taken in the lungs, causes pathologic changes. . .there is, 
therefore, no permissible amount of cadmium” (Prodan, 1932; as cited by Cole, 1997: 
27). 



A 1937 study outlined two human fatalities from cadmium poisoning in Canada (Buhner, 
as cited in The British Medical Journal : 33). Several years later in 1942, Hubert Smith 
of the Harvard Law and Medical Schools wrote that “ethical and legal principles required 
‘full disclosure of material facts’ and the securing of the ‘enlightened consent’ of the 
human subject” thusly, 



. . .subjecting a patient to experimental remedies without disclosure and 
consent is contrary to the customs of surgeons and thus negligent. . .The 
surgeon should make a full disclosure of material facts to the patient, 
including risks and alternative treatments, and obtain his enlightened 
consent before applying any novel or experimental treatment (U.S. 

House: 1994: 119). 

By 1942, the United States Public Health Service (USPHS) described the symptoms of 
cadmium poisoning specifically through inhalation: 



The first symptoms of industrial cadmium poisoning are usually dryness 
of the throat, cough, headache, vomiting, and a sense of constriction of 
the chest. Later symptoms are predominantly referable to the respiratory 
system and are characterized by cough, pain in the chest, severe dyspnea, and 
prostration. These symptoms result from a pneumonitis, which in many 
instances is followed by bronchopneumonia. 

The USPHS study noted numerous fatalities involved from cadmium exposure, which 

included liver and kidney effects, as well as degenerative changes leading to necrosis. 



61 




In 1947, Barrett, et al., affirmed the earlier cadmium toxicity studies, and found cadmium 
inhalation to be fatal to humans. Barrett’s animal studies (also 1947), supported the 
human studies, determining that mortality in animals was “proportional to the product of 
the duration of exposure and the concentration of inhaled cadmium” (ATSDR: 19). In 
1948, The British Medical Journal described the toxicological pathways of cadmium that 
leads to death in animals and humans alike. Notably, lesions in the lungs and pulmonary 
edema which lasts for approximately three days, progresses into pneumonitis for ten 
days, and then the exposed individual will exhibit a string of symptoms which continue 
for reportedly four years or more. Permanent lung damage is the result of cadmium 
exposure in animal studies. The long-term symptoms described by the journal includes 
“vague motor difficulties, pain in the lower limbs, pelvis, and groin, and [by] striae in the 
long bones... loss of appetite and weight, constipation, fatigue, headache” and perhaps 
most notably, “a yellow cadmium ring on the teeth” ( The Toxicity of Cadmium : 33). 40 If 
medical personnel are aware that a patient has been exposed to cadmium, they can not 
only see indicators of toxicity in terms of not only symptomology, but also the visual cue 
of a yellow cadmium line on the teeth. As well, cadmium was at that time, measurable in 
blood and urine. 41 This was outlined in the medical literature as early as 1919, in The 
Journal of Pharmacology ( The Toxicity of Cadmium: 33). 

By 1950, L. Friberg published a study regarding the poisoning of workers in a cadmium 
battery factory (ATSDR: 17). In that toxicological study, exposure occurred through 
inhalation of fumes or cadmium dust, and a resultant pneumonia was the direct cause of 

40 

The cadmium ring presents an interesting finding as it parallels a similar blue ring on the gum line to persons 
exposed to high levels of another heavy metal, notably lead. 

41 Today, cadmium can also be measured in hair, fingernails, and teeth. 



62 




death. The American Medical Association published various articles in the 1950s, and a 
list of principles in 1957, that echoed the earlier calls for full disclosure of human 
experimentation, voluntary consent and agreement of those being tested as a requirement, 
ability of the patient to terminate the experiment at any time, avoidance of conflict of 
interest by the physician/experimenter, that the “danger of each experiment must have 
been investigated previously by means of animal experimentation”, and the provision that 
the test must be perfonned under “proper medical protection and management”( U.S. 
House, 1994: 124). 

Beton, et al. (1966) using a technique similar to Barrett’s earlier study, calculated fatal 
human doses of cadmium in the air. A 1976 study by Patwardhan and Finckh “prompted 
Elinder (1986b) to estimate that an exposure of 1-5 mg/m3 for 8 hours could be 
immediately dangerous. (ATSDR: 18). Even the United States Public Health Service 
(USPHS) which would run their own studies of ZnCdS in St. Louis in the 1960s, despite 
that they reported at least two decades prior in their own literature, a high number of 
cadmium toxicity cases and studies in the literature (they reference 109 such studies). In 
fact, the USPHS argued that cadmium exposure should be prevented at all costs. Their 
report tracked “all the known cases of cadmium poisoning which have been reported up 
to the present time” between 1858 and 1941, which resulted in 346 reported poisoning 
incidents, and 58 inhalation poisoning events. Yet, the USPHS would engage in a ZnCdS 
study in St. Louis in 1963, just one decade after the Army completed their study. 



63 




Later studies (Friberg 1950; Bonnell 1955; Adams, et al. 1969; Liu, et al. 1985; Rose et 
al. 1992) found that workers exposed to cadmium report “chronic rhinitis and impairment 
or the loss of the sense of smell” (ATSDR: 44). In animal studies, not only has 
respiratory injury been reported, but also persistent damage has been reported “from a 
single acute exposure” (ATSDR: 45). According to the Agencies for Toxic Substances 
and Disease registry, the arm of the federal Centers for Disease Control that studies and 
addresses issues of toxins and public exposure to toxins, inhalation of cadmium can 
intensely irritate lung tissue, with delayed or latent effects. Initial exposure (up to two 
hours), produces symptoms including coughing, and throat and mucosa irritation. 
Symptoms thereafter become progressively worse: 



From 4 to 10 hours post exposure, influenza-like symptoms... appear, 
including cough, tight chest, pain in chest on coughing, dyspnea, malaise, ache, 
chilling, sweating, shivering, and aching pain in back and limbs. From 8 hours 
to 7 days post exposure, more advanced stages of pulmonary response included 
severe dyspnea and wheezing, chest pain and precordial constriction, persistent 
cough, weakness and malaise, anorexia, nausea, diarrhea, nocturia, abdominal 
pain, hemoptysis, and prostration. Acute, high-level exposures can be fatal 
(ATSDR: 21). 

Immediate and delayed (one week) post exposure symptoms thus present as flu-like 
symptoms, and include pulmonary problems that may advance to pneumonia. Long-tenn 
symptoms of workers exposed to cadmium through inhalation, revealed “progressive 
pulmonary fibrosis”, emphysema, and impaired respiratory function, unimproved even 
nine years after exposure (ATSDR: 21). 



L. Arthur Spomer, a fonner researcher with the Army Chemical Corps, who conducted 
atmospheric tracer studies at Deseret Test Center as a meteorologist, reportedly appealed 



64 




to the officers in charge of the experiments about the hazards related to its use, and was 
ignored (Cole, 1997). Later, as a professor in the School of Agriculture at the University 
of Illinois, Spomer published a study arguing that ZnCdS was a dangerous compound to 
use in field experiments, saying that it presented a ‘potential health hazard to 
experimenters and other humans exposed to it’” (Spomer, 1973; as cited by Allen and 
Best and Allen, 1994). Spomer explained the nature of symptoms related to cadmium 
exposure to military officials with an appeal to stop its use in military field studies. 



Although Cd [cadmium] toxicity is well-established and FP [zinc cadmium 
sulfide fluorescent particles] is commonly used as a tracer in atmospheric 
studies, no case of CD poisoning resulting from the use of FP has been reported 
in the literature. This may be because none has occurred; however it is more 
likely that such poisoning has been of a low-level chronic nature and its 
symptoms are less dramatic and more difficult to recognize than in the case of 
acute Cd poisoning. A general ignorance of the toxicity of FP and of the 
symptoms of Cd poisoning also contribute to the failure to recognize FP 
poisoning. [Spomer, 1973 as cited in Cole, 1997: 27). 

Given Spomer’s study and supported by the majority of the other toxicology studies 

related to cadmium, if exposed persons are not notified in advance of potential exposure 

to ZnCdS, and medical personnel are uninformed of acute ZnCdS exposure through 

inhalation, it will likely result in incorrect treatment for the misdiagnosed illness, which 

by all appearances presents as flu, pneumonia, or other respiratory ailments. Not only 

might this create additional complications for the patient, but also it would not address 

the initial episode of toxicity. Although the issue of consent is not analyzed at length in 

this paper, it is an element of importance in this and hundreds of other military-sponsored 

studies on humans during the Cold War, and thus, the issue warrants some attention. One 

thing is clear, published health studies addressed the severe human toxicity of cadmium 

at least one hundred years prior to the secret US Anny aerosol studies in St. Louis. 



65 




STANDARDS OF THE TIMES 



One argument that surfaces in testimony and contemporary sources regarding military- 
sponsored human subject testing during the Cold War, asserts that ethical standards were 
either non-existent or unclear in 1953. In light of the highly publicized Nuremberg Code 
that resulted from the trials of German physicians who engaged in atrocious human 
experimentation, most familiar with the issue of human experimentation at least have a 
limited appreciation of the Nuremberg Code. Other international codes followed 
Nuremberg, such as the Geneva Protocol. Nevertheless, in 1994, in a testimony before a 
Congressional investigative committee, David J. Rothman of Columbia University, 
challenged the assumptions that ethical standards in 1953 were non-existent. 



The idea that the ‘standard of the times was different’ is not correct. The 
ethical precepts were clearly fonnulated and well understood. What is now 
more clearly established is that investigators transgressed the standards not 
out of ignorance, but out of a commitment to advancing scientific knowledge 
and Cold War strategies. In effect, they were prepared to transgress the 
principles to serve these other ends (U.S. Congress, 1994: 117). 



In other words, according to Rothman, officials chose to ignore Nuremberg. In 1942, 
Hubert Smith of the Harvard Law and Medical Schools wrote that, “ethical and legal 
principles required ‘full disclosure of material facts’ and the securing of the ‘enlightened 
consent’ of the human subject”: 



. . .subjecting a patient to experimental remedies without disclosure and 
consent is contrary to the customs of surgeons and thus negligent. . .The 
surgeon should make a full disclosure of material facts to the patient, 
including risks and alternative treatments, and obtain his enlightened 
consent before applying any novel or experimental treatment 
(U.S. House, 1994: 119). 



66 




Four years later (1946), the American Medical Association adopted an ethical code 
recognizing a voluntary consent requirement in research, along with disclosure regarding 
the danger of the study, and the necessary provision of proper medical protection and 
management of the individuals tested (U.S. House, 1994: 120). Indeed, in the 1940s and 
1950s, “the ethical requirements for obtaining consent prior to experimentation were also 
widely recognized in scholarly publications” (U.S. House, 1994: 122). In 1949, Louis 
John Reagan wrote in Doctor and Patient and the Law, that, 



The physician must keep abreast of medical progress, but he is responsible 
if he goes beyond the usual and standard procedures to the point of 
experimentation. If such treatment is considered indicated, it should not 
be undertaken until consultation has been had and until the patient has 
signed a paper acknowledging and assuming the risk (U.S. House, 1994: 122). 



In 1950, Carl Wiggers, Dean of Case Western Reserve Medical School, an academy that 
would ultimately be involved with human subject testing on behalf of the military, 
published Basic Ethical Principles for the Conduct of Human Experimentation, where he 
noted that, 



The voluntary consent of the human subject must be obtained. . .All 
unnecessary physical and mental suffering should be avoided... The 
human subject should be at liberty to tenninate the experiment at 
any time (Western Reserve University [sic], 1950: 60-65, as cited in 
U.S. House, 1994: 118). 42 



What is clear, is that 1) health studies emphasizing the high level of human toxicity of 
cadmium, 2) consistent flow of reports in the literature emphasizing a fundamental need 
for infonned consent, along with 3) established international guidelines for human health 



42 1950 Alumni Bulletin, School of Medicine, Western Reserve University, 60-65, as cited in US House, 1994; 
Also cited in Beecher; Research and the Individual ; pgs., 238-39. 



67 




studies in Nuremberg and Geneva, and 4) the military’s own Wilson Memorandum, all 
have a notable presence either in the literature of the times or was a recognized policy 
within the military structure itself. Thus, Rothman’s assertion seems correct, in that 
American government scientists engaged in human subject experimentation without 
consent of the victims, did so knowingly, and chose to violate published ethical standards 
and codes. Indeed, “. . .the voluntary consent requirement was a well-established medico- 
legal obligation of physicians”, according to Rothman (U.S. House, 1994: 1 19). In other 
words, government officials placed military goals above the health of targeted citizens, 
and above the laws of the times. St. Louis residents would come in the 1990s to find out 
the partial truth of the military tests that targeted their neighborhoods, and officials once 
again assured them that there was no concern. 

It would appear by military claims that the St. Louis study was less dramatic than many 
other studies conducted by the military and its contractors, as military officials assured 
the public that a “harmless” ZnCdS had been sprayed. St. Louis would, by all accounts 
scarcely receive mention in the literature and formal investigations that discuss military- 
sponsored chemical tests involving civilians. Although St. Louis shared a brief, albeit 
ugly experience with a few cities such as Minneapolis, and Ottawa, Canada, in 1953 (and 
again in 1963), what occurred in St. Louis was much more than meets the eye, and it is 
deserving of its own case study and analysis. Yet officials are still tight-lipped, six 
decades later, about events in St. Louis. 

St. Louis was but a sliver-albeit an important one- of a massive, complex, and 
coordinated top secret effort to expand military technology exponentially, to a degree 



68 




unmatched in U.S. history. St. Louis was, in fact, tied to an extraordinary military- 
industrial-academic complex and an exceedingly powerful, top-secret network referred to 
here as the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition- a professional group that secretly sprang out 
of World War II. The St. Louis study may have involved far more than biological 
“simulants”, per the official military talking point. There is indication of a secret study 
conducted in tandem to the “official” military-sponsored St. Louis aerosol study . 43 The 
second study, which for some reason warrants even more secrecy than its parallel study, 
appears to have been connected to a new type of deadly nuclear weapon, one of many 
being developed by the coalition, to be tested on unsuspecting residents of St. Louis, 
Missouri, at the urging of Manhattan-Rochester Coalition member Joseph G. Hamilton. 



43 This would not be the only time that the military used the tactic of hiding one study beneath another during this time 
period. See: “M.D. Anderson Played Role in Radiation Testing”; The Houston Chronicle, June 28, 1994, where 95 
“previously hidden nuclear bomb detonations at the Nevada Test Site”. . .went undetected because they were set off 
with reported tests”. Hidden beneath publicly disclosed tests, were secret tests. 



69 




CHAPTER III 



THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION 



z 



It was spring of 1945. World War II would soon come to an end with the culmination of 
extraordinary efforts of virtually the entire population in Los Alamos, New Mexico- 
assigned either by Anny or marriage, to the Manhattan Project. Indeed, the U.S. dropped 
the first-ever atomic bombs on both Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan, and as a result, 
Japan would surrender to the Allies in September. But rather than recognize the soon-to- 
be fait accompli, the Manhattan Engineer District 44 pushed for much more from its 
scientists. The District created ten top-secret spin-off divisions, to be headed by some of 
the world’s most brilliant scientists, who had directly or indirectly contributed to the 
creation of the atomic bomb. Biophysicist Cornelius A. Tobias recalled later that, 



The war ended with victory. The Manhattan Project told us — that included 
both Hamilton and Lawrence — that we could become part of the rejuvenated 
Manhattan Project, and we were told that basic medical research with radiation 
and radioisotopes would be A-okay (U.S. DOE, 1995b). 

The men would enter a top secret, life-time partnership with high-ranking military 

officials, and “captains” of the defense industry, and would play major roles in a 

sometimes grotesque underworld of twisted science and medicine, for the benefit of a 



44 

This is the official name of the atomic bomb project, known commonly as the Manhattan Project. The organization 
was originally controlled from New York, NY (Madison Square area), which is where the name was derived prior to 
moving to the newly built Los Alamos District in New Mexico. 



70 




vast and powerful war machine. In doing so, the men would also enter a world of 
duplicity, and thus, engineer one of the greatest and most sordid feats in modern history. 
The elite scientists in the inner ring of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition formed a life- 
time bond of secrecy and intrigue. They were each given extraordinary freedom by their 
military superiors, to pursue the most diabolical of research that they could conjure, but 
the military officials also insisted on extraordinary constraints of secrecy. Indeed, the 
generals and colonels were willing to destroy careers to that end. The men of science and 
medicine in the coalition learned to work and thrive in this perverse closed world, where 
“body-snatching”, and plutonium injections became a nonn. This chapter identifies 
many of those scientists who comprised the secretive inner ring of the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition (the spin-off group from the Manhattan Project), as well as the 
military contractor who led the St. Louis aerosol study in 1953. 

LOUIS H. HEMPELMANN (1914-1993) 

Louis Hempelmann was born in St. Louis, Missouri, on March 5, 1914 and attended 
Washington University in St. Louis as both an undergraduate, and student of medicine. 
Hempelmann completed a residency at the Peter Bent Brigham Hospital in Boston (Moss 
and Eckhardt: 183). He “had many friends and well-established acquaintances in St. 
Louis. His wife, Elinor Wickham Pulitzer, was the daughter of Joseph Pulitzer, publisher 
of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, for whom the Pulitzer Prizes are named” (Welsome: 3 1). 
Hempelmann accepted a fellowship at the RAD (radiation) Lab in Berkeley to gain 
experience with cyclotrons and radiation “therapy” alongside John Lawrence and Robert 
Stone (other core members of the coalition). “After four months in Berkeley, 



71 




Hempelmann went to Memorial Hospital in New York [where Manhattan-Rochester 
colleague Hymer Friedell had just trained] and spent another month studying radiation 
physics. Then he returned home to St. Louis.” (Welsome: 31). In St. Louis he accepted 
a supervisory position for a new Washington University cyclotron, funded in part by the 
Rockefeller Foundation and Monsanto, which would be used to produce plutonium for 
the Manhattan Engineering District. Monsanto also donated $300,000 for a 
radiochemistry building, which would house the engineering department (Morrow: 430). 
According to journalist Eileen Welsome, Hempelmann also began injecting patients 
several times per week, with radioactive material produced by the Washington University 
cyclotron. “He soon grew uneasy when some of the patients developed dangerously low 
blood counts and even hemorrhages” (Wellsome: 39). Hempelmann was later 
handpicked by Lawrence to become the medical director of the Los Alamos Manhattan 
project, and he arrived in Los Alamos in March of 1943. At Los Alamos, Hempelmann 
“was in charge of the stricken scientists when they arrived at the hospital. . . [where] the 
doctors would have a chance to observe what would happen to a healthy person exposed 
to radiation from an atomic weapon without the confounding effects of blast or bum” 
(Welsome: 185). In other words, Hempelmann poked, prodded, observed, and 
“collected data” as those scientists unfortunate enough to be exposed to deadly radiation 
accidents, died painful and agonizing deaths within hours or days of exposure. 

Although he began his affiliation with Rochester in the 1940s, “in 1950, Hempelmann 
joined the faculty at the University of Rochester as an Associate Professor of 
Experimental Radiology and served as Chainnan of the Department of Radiology, from 



72 




1960 through 1971” (Moss, et ah, 203). Hempelmann and his wife were for decades, 
very close friends to J. Robert Oppenheimer, who headed the Manhattan Project. In fact, 
Hempelmann briefly employed Oppenheimer’s wife Kitty, who had a background in 
biology, in the medical lab at Los Alamos. 45 As one of the core scientists inside the inner 
circle of the Manhattan-Rochester coalition, Hempelmann supported and engaged in 
human subject testing of radioisotopes. Decades after some eleven patients had been 
injected with plutonium under his supervision /‘Hempelmann told investigators that ‘a 
deliberate decision was made not to inform the patient of the nature of the product that 
was injected” (Welsome: 127). Hempelmann continued his participation with radiation 
and human subject tests, over much of his professional career. He retired in Rochester, 
NY, which was the heart of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 

WRIGHT HASKELL LANGHAM (1911-1972) aka “MR. PLUTONIUM” 

Originally from Texas, Langham earned his M.S. in chemistry at Oklahoma A&M 
College and his Ph.D. in biochemistry at the University of Colorado (1943). Langham 
joined the “Plutonium Project” at Chicago’s MetLab, and left for the Manhattan Project 
in Los Alamos in 1944, where he became Associate Division Leader for Biomedical 
Research. Langham led the Health Division’s Radiobiology group from 1947 until his 
death in 1972 (U.S. DOE, 1995b). Langham helped develop procedures for estimating 
body burden doses of plutonium, and developed the “Langham Equation” for plutonium 
excretion in the human body. “He was active in stimulating and correlating nearly all of 
the toxicological work on plutonium and related elements for Los Alamos, Argonne 



45 



Hempelmann would later recall Kitty Oppenheimer as being “awful bossy” (Bird & Sherwin: 257). 



73 





National Lab, Rochester, and later, the programs at Utah and other laboratories” (Moss, 
et al, 206). Langham also derived standards for plutonium exposure through air and 
water. One former colleague of Langham’s described him as a young Ph.D. reluctantly 
participating in human subject testing, but refusing to inject patients himself; another 
colleague (H. Friedell) described Langham as very enthusiastic about the human radiation 
studies, however (U.S.DOE, 1995b). Langham’s widow Julie Langham Grilly described 
him as an excellent speaker, very well connected in Washington, DC, and “very good 
friends” with Stafford Warren (U.S.DOE, 1995b). Langham died in 1972 in an airplane 
crash (Moss, et al, 206) 

JOSEPH G. HAMILTON ( 1907-1957) 

Bom in Santa Barbara, California, Joseph Hamilton studied chemistry and medicine, 
where he eventually focused on the health effects from radiation exposure as a professor 
of Medical Physics and manager of the University of Califomia-Berkeley’s Crocker 
Laboratory aka RAD Lab. Eileen Welsome describes Hamilton as cold, sober, serious- 
minded, but with a streak of recklessness. “To the casual observer, Hamilton seemed like 
any other affluent urbane doctor; he enjoyed fine wine, drove a convertible, played poker. 
But documents written by Hamilton himself as well as recollections of his colleagues, 
reveal a suspicious and brooding side to his personality” (Welsome: 27). Welsome 
describes how Hamilton “immersed himself in radiation”, gulped “radioactive cocktails”, 
and flew threw radioactive clouds “during the postwar years” (Welsome: 29). “But 
where he really pushed his luck was around the cyclotron. He raced into the 
bombardment area to grab samples while the room was still radioactive and slouched 



74 




against the hot, ticking parts of the machine. . (Welsome: 29). The scientists were all 
later instructed by the AEC to not use radioactive materials on themselves, according to 
one insider (USDOE, 1995b). Hamilton engaged with similar abandon in human subject 
testing with radiostrontium and plutonium at the University of California Hospital-San 
Francisco, and it was later revealed that he did not obtain consent from patients to 
administer radioactive cocktails to them, or to inject them with plutonium, actions in 
which he and his research team engaged. Robert Stone at the MetLab in Chicago hired 
Hamilton under contract, but Hamilton would not move to Chicago; “instead he remained 
in Berkeley, where he did his research and then forwarded his reports to Stone” 
(Welsome: 43). Hamilton studied how radioactive isotopes killed rats, and the isotope 
distribution in the deceased rats at Crocker Laboratory. 

With chilling implications, Hamilton had been recruited for his expertise to “investigate 
the possibilities of using. . .fission products as a weapon. . .” in radiological warfare 
(Welsome: 43). In fact, Hamilton seemed to reserve his greatest scientific ingenuity for 
inventing uses of radioactive material in warfare. 

Hamilton advised Robert Stone in a May 26, 1943, report that radioactive 
isotopes sprayed from aircraft ‘offer the possibility of infecting to dangerous 
levels, large areas such as cities’. He added [that], the poisoning of water 
supplies such as reservoirs, wells, etc., and food must be kept in mind 
(Welsome: 43). 

Hamilton pushed his colleagues at the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, and the AEC for 
studies to develop radioactive smoke for use in warfare. His idea involved, 

...‘radioactive smoke’ [that] could be designed to maximize the absorption 
of radioactive material in the lungs and the subsequent deposition of the 



75 




material in the bones. Such a preparation. . . would be ‘well adapted for 
producing fission product aerosols to subject urban populations to fission 
product poisoning’ (Grover: 43). 

Hamilton’s “radioactive smoke” field test idea, was intended to target urban populations, 

and in doing so, particle size would become particularly important, as his colleague Louis 

Hempelmann would later argue. The word “product” was used by most of the 

researchers in the coalition, because the word “plutonium” was in fact, classified. It is 

unclear in this case, however, if Hamilton was referring specifically to plutonium or 

another fission-related material. Nevertheless, he was advocating the testing and use of 

radioactive smoke, clouds, or airborne radioactive material in urban areas for warfare. In 

January 1945, Hamilton continued his push for, 

further study of the metabolic behavior of product oxide smokes with 
particular reference to the correlation between particle size and 
pulmonary retention, and a continuation of the investigation of the 
rates of elimination of product deposited in the lungs for protracted 
intervals after exposure ranging up to one year (Hamilton, 1945). 

Hamilton noted at the time that, “considerable infonnation has already been acquired 

concerning the behavior of fission products when distributed in the air in the form of a 

smoke” (Hamilton, 1945). Hamilton’s recommendations of fission products with short 

half-lives included cadmium, and he advocated the testing of a radioactive spray or dust. 

According to Hamilton, “the distribution in the body of fission products following 

inhalation as a spray or dust of water soluble compounds would seem to be worthy of 

devoting some effort by our group here at Berkeley. . .” (Hamilton, 1945). Hamilton 

advocated use of Berkeley’s cyclotron to produce radioactive materials for testing on 

animals and human subjects through tracer studies, and he sent a letter advocating these 

warfare research projects to Manhattan-Rochester Coalition colleagues Louis 



76 




Hempelmann, Wright Langham, J.W. Kennedy, Capt. J. Nolan, and A.C. Wahl. Both 
Louis Hempelmann and Joseph Kennedy were affiliated with Washington University in 
St. Louis. 

In his own radiation experiments, Hamilton and his colleagues often targeted patients 
who were “uneducated, had poor education, low IQs, and... [had] brain dysfunction 
because of their disease” (U.S. House, 1994: 108). He wrote to Shields Warren about his 
work, which included injecting patients with ‘many times the so-called lethal textbook 
dose’ of plutonium”; Hamilton described this experiment as a little bit of the 
‘Buchenwald touch’” (U.S. House, 1994 : 108; Herken & David, 1994). According to 
the New York Times, “Dr. Hamilton also continued experimenting long after the war. By 
the late 1940s, he had helped persuade the Army to carry out ‘pilot experiments on a 
fairly large scale’ of his radioactive aerosol idea (Herkin & David, 1994). Hamilton- one 
of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition’s most valued young scientists — may have been 
the impetus for the St. Louis aerosol study just a few years later. There is a strong 
indication, particularly given the level of extreme secrecy surrounding the St. Louis 
study, and the involvement of Monsanto, that radioactive materials were sprayed in the 
St. Louis test series. 

While Hamilton secretly advocated the most sinister of radionuclide weaponry to his 
colleagues in science and the military, in public he boasted about the safety of nuclear 
weapons. Despite this, Hamilton grew sick and died from a fatal form of leukemia in the 
1950s, which was believed to be occupational-related. 



77 




ROBERT SPENCER STONE (1895- 1966) 



Robert Stone was one of four children of Flora and Spencer Stone. He was born in 1895 
in Ontario, Canada, and served in the Canadian Air Force. Stone received his BS, MA, 
and MD degrees all from the University of Toronto, and trained with his uncle in Detroit, 
Michigan at Grace Hospital. He moved to the University of California School of 
Medicine, and he remained affiliated with the University of California for his entire life. 
Stone became director of the Plutonium Project human test series at the Metallurgical 
Laboratory (MetLab) aka the Chicago Health Division. According to one source, along 
with “Dr. Joseph Hamilton, he first administered a therapeutic dose of an artificially 
produced radioisotope to a human being, in March 1936” (Howell). Stone was also head 
of Project SUNSHINE, and in his position as head of The Plutonium Project, “he 
organized and directed the Health Division which consisted of medical, health-physics, 
and biological research sections. . . it was for this work that in 1946 he was awarded the 
Medal of Merit” from President Truman; this is the highest civilian award” (Howell). 
Stone also worked at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory (aka Clinton Laboratory) for 
Monsanto, according to the Chatham Daily News (October 9, 1945). Stone was 
administrator of many of the human studies projects involving radioisotope research, and 
appears to have screened and routed reports from Rochester to appropriate individuals, if 
secrecy allowed (U.S. DOE, 1995b). The term “acute radiation syndrome” (a disease 
related to excessive doses of radiation) was a term coined by Robert Stone. Stone was 
fascinated by Geiger counters much of his professional life. About his work at MetLab, 
he one wrote in a secret letter that, “the whole clinical study of the personnel is one vast 



78 




experiment. Never before has so large a collection of individuals been exposed to so 
much irradiation” (Welsome: 45). His experiments with human subjects and radioactive 
materials continued at Chicago and in California, where he was giving full body x-rays to 
patients, which came under fire. Stone “defended the radiation experiments on the 
grounds that he and his colleagues. . .had the right to select the patients and choose the 
type of therapy” (Herkin & David, 1994). Even after much criticism Dr. Stone, funded 
by the University of California, continued his work at a “county-run home for the elderly 
in San Francisco” (Herkin & David, 1994). Stone pushed the limits of research related to 
human effects from radiation, and was an essential member of the core team that 
coordinated and extended the AEC/military sponsored human-related studies of 
radioactive materials. 

WILLARD FRANK LIBBY (1908-1980) 

Bom in Colorado, Willard Libby earned his degrees at the University of Califomia- 
Berkeley in chemistry. Libby worked on the Manhattan Project through Columbia 
University, with enriched uranium-235, and he was also interested in the development of 
Geiger counters, tracer techniques, and isotope tracers (Nobelprize.org). Libby was 
closely affiliated with the University of Chicago, and was later appointed as the head of 
the Atomic Energy Commission by President Eisenhower, where he remained for four 
years, until he resigned to accept a teaching position at the University of Califomia-Los 
Angeles. In 1960, Willard Libby was awarded the Nobel Prize for Chemistry. 

According to his Nobel Prize biography, “Libby has perfonned a wide range of scientific 
advisory and technical consultant work with industrial firms associated with the Institute 



79 




for Nuclear Studies, as well as with defence [sic] departments, scientific organizations 
and universities” (Nobelprize.org). At the University of Chicago, Libby worked with 
tritium, and carbon- 14 (radioactive carbon). 



STAFFORD LEAK WARREN (1896-1981) 

Stafford L. Warren attended University of California at Berkeley and received an M.D. 
from University of California Medical School at San Francisco (1922). He became 
assistant professor and later department chair of radiology at the University of Rochester 
School of Medicine and Dentistry. In November 1942, Brigadier General Leslie R. 
Groves (head of the Manhattan Engineer District, and superior to J. Robert 
Oppenheimer), through an Eastern Kodak intennediary, visited the office of Stafford 
Warren in Rochester. Warren explained in a 1966 interview that, 



‘they wanted to know what I was doing in radiation. So I discussed the cancer 
work and some of the other things. . .we got upstairs and they looked in the 
closet and they closed the transom and they looked out the window. . . . Then 
they closed and locked the door and said, ’Sit down.’ Soon thereafter, Dr. 
Warren was made a colonel in the U.S. Army and the medical director of the 
Manhattan Project (U.S. DOE, 1995a). 46 



In 1943, Warren became a consultant to the Manhattan Project at the Rochester, NY 
location, and he later became medical director of the Manhattan Project in Oak Ridge. 
He was commissioned as a colonel in the Anny Medical Corps (Moss, et al: 183). In 
1971, both Stafford and Shields Warren were both awarded the DOE’s Lifetime Enrico 
Fermi Award. Dr. Warren later became dean of the University of California, Los 



46 

Stafford Warren, interview by Adelaide Tusler (Los Angeles: University of California), 23 June 1966 in An 
Exceptional Man for Exceptional Challenges, Vol. 2 (Los Angeles: University of California, 1983) (ACHRE No. 
UCLA- 10 1794- A- 1), 421-422, as cited in US DOE Openness: Human Radiation Experiments: Roadmap to the Project; 
ACHRE Report. 



80 




Angeles, School of Medicine (U.S. DOE, 1995b). Hymer Friedell, a colleague of 
Warren’s, noted that Warren had frequent contact with General Groves, who oversaw the 
entire Manhattan Engineering District (U.S. DOE, 1995b). 

JOHN LAWRENCE (1904-1991) 

John Lawrence was bom in South Dakota, and was the younger brother of famed 
physicist Ernest Lawrence. He earned his B.A. in South Dakota, and graduated from 
Harvard with a degree in medicine. He was an instructor in the School of Medicine at 
Yale, before he move to the University California-Berkeley, where he joined his brother 
and began with other doctors exploring “whether neutrons and radioisotopes could be 
used to treat cancer patients” (Welsome). The RAD lab at Berkeley was instrumental in 
creating the atom bombs used during World War II, under the supervision of his brother, 
Ernest, who won the Nobel Prize. Under Ernest’s supervision the lab discovered Carbon- 
14, Iodine- 13 1, and tritium (Berdahl, 2001). John Lawrence raised money to build the 
Donner Lab of Nuclear Medicine, where he became Director of the Division of Medical 
Physics. In 1935, John Lawrence performed the first biological experiments with 
neutrons (Berdahl, 2001). Lawrence “injected his first leukemia patient with 
radiophosphorus on Christmas Eve on 1937” (Welsome: 25). This was the first use of 
radioisotopes on humans (Berdahl, 2001). After Ernest died in 1959, John became the 
associate director of the RAD Lab aka Lawrence Berkeley Lab. He retired in 1970. In 
1983, Lawrence was awarded the DOE’s Lifetime Enrico Lermi Award; he died in 1991. 



81 




HYMER FRIEDELL (1911-2002) 

Hymer Friedel was born in 1911 in St. Petersburg, Russia; in 1915, his family moved to 
Minneapolis, MN. He earned his MD and Ph.D. in Physics from University of 
Minnesota, when he left for the National Cancer Institute’s Memorial Hospital, and the 
University of California-San Francisco. Friedell joined the US Army and was assigned to 
work at MetLab in Chicago. From MetLab, 

. . .he was transferred to Clinton Laboratories (now called the Oak Ridge 
National Laboratory) in mid- 1943, where he worked as the Executive Officer 
of the Manhattan Engineer District (MED) Medical Division. In this role, he 
assisted in determining dose tolerances for new radioactive isotopes, was involved 
in reviewing applications for use of these isotopes, and witnessed the first test of 
the atomic bomb at Alamogordo, New Mexico (Dewey, 2007). 

At the time that Friedell was Executive Officer of the Medical Division at Clinton Labs 

the laboratory was under the direction of Monsanto. Along with Stafford Warren, 

Friedell “went frequently to Rochester, New York, to confer with scientists at a top- 

secret biomedical research facility, called the ‘Manhattan Department’ or ‘Manhattan 

Annex’. Located at the University of Rochester medical school and formally established 

in April of 1943 by the Manhattan Project” the Rochester facility was strictly concerned 

with health-related issues related to radiation (Welsome: 64). “After the war, Friedell 

taught and conducted research at the University of California and at Western Reserve 

University [sic] in Cleveland, Ohio” (Dewey, 2007). Friedell retired in 1979 and died 

on May 10, 2002 in Ohio. 



82 




SHIELDS WARREN (1898-1980) 



Shields Warren was grandson of William Fairfield Warren, the first president of Boston 

University, and son of William Marshall Warren, Dean of the College of Arts and 

Sciences, Boston University. Shields (no relation to Stafford Warren) graduated from 

Boston University, and Harvard Medical School. He was pathologist at New England 

Deaconess Hospital in Boston, and professor of pathology at Harvard University. After 

World War II, Warren became director of the Atomic Energy Commission’s Division of 

Biology and medicine, and was commissioned as colonel. At Los Alamos, Warren was 

in charge of detennining the amount of radiation that would cause death in a person 

(U.S.DOE, 1995b). Warren was “an expert on the effects of radiation on the human 

body. But even more important, he had the sophistication to navigate Washington’s 

political waters” (Welsome: 198). Wellsome calls Warren “probably the most influential 

biomedical scientist in AEC history and one of the enigmas of the Cold War” (Welsome: 

198). Warren traveled to the Manhattan Engineering District’s laboratories and 

production facilities routinely, and was aware that patients were being injected with 

plutonium at Rochester, Chicago, California, and Oak Ridge (Welsome 203). It was 

under his leadership that that AEC cobbled together, 

a vast network of national laboratories, universities, and hospitals that would 
investigate every imaginable effect of radiation” for over three decades. . . 
through grants, fellowships, contracts, construction projects, and the funding 
of huge machines, the AEC created a new industry and became one of the 
largest sponsors of scientific research in the United States (Welsome: 198-99). 

As a result of this vast, top-secret myriad of projects Shields Warren was an enigma and 
not well understood, even by his colleagues whose opinions of Warren varied from hero 



83 




to untrustworthy political operative. Indeed, Warren’s shrewdly-constructed public 
persona varied quite a lot from his private persona. He frequently, 

. . .suppressed infonnation that might provoke lawsuits or harm the AEC’s 
image, and dealt brutally with outsiders. Yet documents declassified in 1994 
and 1995 also reveal a courageous scientist who spoke out in secret meetings 
against proposed radiation experiments... but his enemies saw an opportunist 
who shifted with the political wind” and was perhaps untrustworthy (Welsome: 
200). 

In 1971, both Shields Warren and Stafford Warren were awarded the DOE’s Lifetime 
Enrico Fermi Award. 

J. ROBERT OPPENHEIMER (1903-1967) 

Julius Robert Oppenheimer was born on March 23, 1903 in New York City. As a child 
of privilege, Oppenheimer was surrounded by opulence and fine art in the family home; 
the Oppenheimers had three live-in maids and a chauffeur. Robert and his younger 
brother Frank, grew up basking in luxury and advantage (Bird, et al: 12). Oppenheimer 
was recognized as precociously brilliant in science at an early age, and earned a 
scholarship to Harvard University, which he attended as an undergraduate. 47 He 
graduated summa cum laude in three years, with a degree in chemistry, but he quickly 
left to study physics at Cambridge, where he was tutored by Patrick Blackett, a future 
Nobel Prize winner. He later accepted a Rockefeller Foundation-funded fellowship to 
study at CalTech. His work in theoretical physics was internationally recognized at that 
point, and he had sixteen publications related to continuum wave functions, an original 
theory of field emission, and “breakthroughs in the calculation of the absorption 



4 He would refuse the scholarship money however, and in lieu of the money, Harvard presented Oppenheimer with a 
book of Galileo’s early writings (Bird, et al: 29). 



84 




coefficient of x-rays” (Bird, et al: 78). The constructed public persona of Robert J. 
Oppenheimer was markedly different from that of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition 
insider and leader, who approved and advanced weaponized radiation technology to a 
chilling degree, and who authorized radiation exposure tests on populations without their 
consent. Indeed, Oppenheimer (along with Shields Warren) appeared to have mastered 
the art of image-making, creating a public persona of thoughtful, if not distraught and 
conflicted project leader/historical figure who regretted his own participation in the 
profound devastation of nuclear war (Bird, et al: 1 14). That constructed public image, 
and Oppenheimer’s actions on behalf of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition as outlined in 
private correspondence, clash markedly. 

Oppenheimer accepted a position at Berkeley where he was known to be an inspiring 
lecturer, but was often impatient, arrogant, and intimidating, as well as charismatic, 
magnetic, enthusiastic, and intellectually versatile (Conant: 24-25). At age thirty-seven, 
Oppenheimer was “summoned to the office of Arthur Compton”, director of the 
University of Chicago’s Metallurgical Laboratory (aka MetLab-which was a name 
selected to hide their purpose) (Conant: 29). “Compton needed Oppenheimer. . .to take 
charge of a division of the MetLab and organize a group to study the physics of an 
explosive chain reaction- or bomb” (Conant: 29). Meetings began with the top 
theoretical physicists in the country, under enormous secrecy and the head of General 
Leslie R. Groves, from the Army Corps of Engineers. “This sent a clear signal that the 
scientists and army officers would have to put aside their natural suspicions and work 
together. Under Groves, the scientists would have to accept life under a military regime, 



85 




with army representatives becoming a constant presence in their lives, laboratories, and 

meetings” (Conant: 34). Oppenheimer, as director of this new Manhattan Engineering 

project, would oversee this cooperative effort, and he did so with great vigor and skill. In 

stark contrast to Oppenheimer’s professed concerns related to social ills, he slipped by all 

accounts, quite easily into bomb-making, and became an enthusiastic proponent of 

creativity in warfare. For example, Oppenheimer and Enrico Fenni once debated 

whether to use radioactive strontium to poison food supplies: 

‘I think that we should not attempt a plan unless we can poison food 
sufficient to kill a half a million men, since there is not doubt that the actual 
number affected will, because of non-uniform distribution, be much smaller 
than this’, Oppenheimer wrote in a May 25, 1943 letter to Fermi 
(Welsome: 43). 

Oppenheimer as the high-profile overseer of the Manhattan Project, would bear the 
weight of the project’s weighty legacy more than anyone, and had ample cause to 
reconstruct his historical image in a positive light. Indeed at the end of his tenure with 
the Manhattan Project, he claimed publicly — in a reaffirmation of his public persona as 
bomb-builder- that nuclear energy should come under international control in order to 
prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. This notion was by most accounts, met with an 
icy response by the military and industrial arms of his extended coalition, who recognized 
the influence that Oppenheimer had over his colleagues. As a result, in December 1953, 
the Atomic Energy Commission filed formal charges against their own lead operative, 
Oppenheimer, alleging that his continued employment on AEC contracts would endanger 
defense and security, based on alleged associations with “known and unknown 
communists” — charges of which Oppenheimer had been absolved, prior. The charges 
were more a censorship regarding Oppenheimer’s potential influence on other scientists 



86 




to not work on a new hydrogen bomb project. The AEC’s charges alleged that, “the 
opposition to the hydrogen bomb, of which you are the most experienced, most powerful, 
and most effective member, has definitely slowed down its development” (Bird, et al: 
487). If this portion of Oppenheimer’s constructed image is in fact, valid, Oppenheimer’s 
political indictment was a show of brazen power by the AEC and its chairman at the time, 
Lewis L. Strauss, to force Oppenheimer, and the other scientists to comply with AEC’s 
aggressive plan to rapidly develop a hydrogen bomb, and a show that nuclear power 
would remain in the hands of the U.S. military and industry. The 1954 trial did not go 
well for Oppenheimer. His security clearance was revoked, and AEC’s head Strauss 
“had the AEC staff highlight the most damaging testimony for reporters” (Bird, et al: 

546). Oppenheimer’s “public transformation from Washington insider to exiled 
intellectual was complete” (Bird, et al: 558). Nevertheless, he received the Lifetime 
Enrico Fermi award in 1963. Oppenheimer, who had long been a chain-smoker, was 
diagnosed with throat cancer, and died on February 18, 1967 at age 62. 

JOSEPH W. KENNEDY (1916-1957) 

Joseph Kennedy was born in 1916 in Texas. In 1935, he received his BA from Stephen 
F. Austin State Teachers College. He then attended the University of Kansas, earning an 
MA, and acceptance into the University of California, Berkeley. In 1939, he was awarded 
a Ph.D. in chemistry (Los Alamos National Labs). According to his official Los Alamos 
Laboratory biography, Kennedy taught at the University of California’s radiation lab, 
where with colleagues he “discovered plutonium”. 

Kennedy, on the verge of his 27th birthday, was among the first wave of 



87 




Project Y recruits, coming to Los Alamos in March 1943 to head the 
Chemistry and Metallurgy division. Ironically, Kennedy's greatest 
achievements were managerial rather than technical: ‘The amount of 
technical work involved has been very small; the principal problem has 
been to establish and maintain a sufficiently strong laboratory to handle the 
jobs supplied by other divisions.’ These. . . jobs included purifying plutonium, 
fabricating plutonium and uranium metal, and handling polonium and radio- 
lanthanum (Los Alamos National Labs). 



Kennedy left Los Alamos in 1946 for the Chemistry Department at Washington 
University in St. Louis, when Arthur H. Compton (Chancellor at Washington University, 
1945-1953 and discoverer of the “Compton Effect”) hired six scientists from the 
Manhattan Project. (Washington University, 201 1). In 1955, the Atomic Energy 
Commission awarded $40,000 to Compton and his co-discoverers of plutonium. 
“Unfortunately, Kennedy would have little time to enjoy his prize. After a battle with 
cancer lasting little more than half a year, he died on May 5, 1957” (Los Alamos National 
Labs). 



THE MILITARIZATION OF THE ACADEMY 

World War II and the establishment of the Manhattan Engineer District ushered in an 
unprecedented partnership between the U.S. military and the scientific establishment, and 
that partnership did not end during the emergence of the Cold War. Infusion of defense- 
related money became exceedingly seductive to those inside the academy, and a 
burgeoning of growth in many universities took place over several decades. “Beginning 
at the end of the 1950s and in the early 1960s, before the major wave of the postwar baby 
boom created a huge demand for places in colleges, there began a major expansion in the 

48 

Other faculty brought to Washington University from the Manhattan Project included Lindsay Helmholtz, David 
Lipkin, Herbert A. Potratz, Arthur C. Wahl, and Samuel I. Weissman (http://www.chemistry.wustl.edu/research). 



88 




size of university faculties, especially in science, as a result of the inflow of money from 
the state” (Lewontin, R.C., 29). In fact, Stanford University’s engineering school’s 
faculty expanded from thirty-two in the late 1930s, to forty-one in the next decade 
(Lowen, Rebecca: 118). Universities in fact, had lobbied for Department of Defense 
support, in the form of grants and capital to support various programs in their institutions. 

Stanford University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) were two 
universities that realized extraordinary growth from defense contracts. According to 
Seymour Hersh, by the 1960s, MIT awarded “about 20 Masters’ and Doctoral degrees for 
classified research” per year (Hersh, Seymour: 198). Defense contracts with faculty 
members are not without controversy among peers, staff, and students, however. In 
California, lab and support personnel clashed with administrators over the support staffs 
refusal to participate in weapons-related experiments proposed by Lawrence Livermore 
National Laboratory. The Faculty Committee considered the case and determined that, 
“since the protesting. . .personnel were involved not by choice, but by their functions in 
the laboratory; attempts should be made to find them other positions. . .” (Kistiakowsky, 
V., 1989: 152). The lead investigator who accepted a contract with the Department of 
Defense, was not working solely on a project; indeed, that individual usually required a 
team of technical people that served as support staff, postdoctorates, and students, all 
supported by the research grant. “These individuals, like the SLAC personnel, may 
disagree with the end use of research in which they are involved, but will have only the 
options of acquiescing or quitting unless the institution takes responsibility for finding 
them other places internally” (Kistiakowsky: 152). In other words, support staff 



89 




typically have no choice as to their assignments, and if they have moral or ethical 
concerns regarding a research assignment, they have few options of recourse if the 
university does not provide them with a lateral move or alternative assignment. In the 
1980s, a decision by CalTech to establish a think tank for Anny-related problems, led to 
“a heated debate between the faculty and the administration, followed by a reversal of 
that decision. The concluding event embodies the most prevalent attitude, which is that 
the requirements of excellence in education and research at universities are incompatible 
with classification” (Kistiakowsky, 1989: 148). Some find it troubling that within a 
militarized academy, “matters of justice, ethics, and equality... [were] exiled to the 
margins of politics” (Giroux, 2011: 118). Indeed, there were even punitive actions taken 
against faculty members who did not support the military mission on their campuses. For 
example, it was found that “earth scientists who did not conform (or were perceived not 
to confonn) to the secrecy policies of the national security state often did not receive 
research opportunities or ship time (Doel, Ronald: 654). Other scientists remained 
unaware that their colleagues were even involved in classified research on behalf of the 
military, which suggests “a degree of partitioning familiar in military research programs 
(Doel, 2003: 642). If classified military projects are known inside the academy however, 
there may be internal resistance by faculty, students, and support staff who are 
professionally, morally, or ethically opposed to being associated with or contributing to 
military-sponsored projects, and this is something with which the principal researcher as 
well as the Department of Defense, must contend. 



90 




“In fiscal year 1966, fifty-seven U.S. universities and their affiliated non-profit research 
anns were listed among the top 500 defense research contractors. . .heading the list was 
Johns Hopkins University with more than $50 million in research contracts” (Hersh, 
Seymour: 188). By the following year, the Pentagon had in place a plan to bring more 
universities and academic researchers into contractual work with the military. In fiscal 
year 1968, military contractors included Johns Hopkins University ($57.6 million), the 
University of California ($17.4 million), Stanford University ($16.4 million), the 
University of Rochester ($13.1 million), Pennsylvania State University ($10.5 million), 
Columbia University ($9.9 million), Michigan State University ($9.5 million), and the 
University of Illinois ($8.6 million), among others (Kaufman, R.F., 1970: 187). “The 
Navy alone awards about 1,100 contracts each year to colleges and universities. In 1968, 
143 colleges and universities were occupied, if not preoccupied, with Air Force research 
projects” (Kaufman, R.F: 187). The financial bonanza helped to create a massive buildup 
of newly militarized Cold War universities; the free-flowing money was both seductive 
and toxic. 

It hardly seems necessary to document in detail the immense increase 
that has occurred in the size of the academic enterprise in the United States 
since the end of World War II. In constant dollars, the total budgets of 
colleges and universities increased by twenty times between 1946 and 
1991 and the value of their physical plants by a factor of six in the same 
period (Lewontin, R.C., 1997: 24). 

For example, Case Institute and Western Reserve University, both in Cleveland, (and 
later to be combined into Case Western Reserve University) were strongly shaped by 
military-funded and controlled research grants. “When the community of funders began 
to doubt the wisdom of supporting parallel scientific-technical establishments on adjacent 



91 




sites, they pressured the two schools to unify their science departments and then to 
federate, an eventuality that provides a convenient tenninus to the story” (Stapleton, D., 
1993: 304). In other words, military funders essentially forced the two institutions to 
combine, because it was more convenient for the state, who was holding the purse stings. 
“At Case Institute, the total research budget in the last prewar academic year was 
$26,5 10; in the last year of the war, only four years later, it was $392,860, almost 15 
times larger” (Stapleton, D., 1993: 305). By 1962, Case Institute’s federal portion for 
research was approximately 75% (Stapleton, D., 1993: 307). Western Reserve also held 
government contracts that totaled $2,000,000 by 1942-1945 (Stapleton, D., 1993: 305). 
This did not come without strings, however. One of the stipulations imposed by the U.S. 
Navy upon Western Reserve, was that military research on campus be infused into their 
educational programs (Stapleton: 306). This was conceivably to create a next generation 
of military scientists. As well as the military control of coursework for students, 
publication of results was restricted. 



The influence of the military and the state, quickly permeated most of the sciences 49 

during the early Cold War, and it immediately altered the focus of research in the 

academy, thus, creating a “militarization of knowledge” (Giroux, H., 2007: 54). 

Like all influential patrons, U.S. military funds helped create a landscape 
of research programs-an ecology of knowledge- that reflected this patron’s 
particular interests and needs. Civilian earth scientists who assembled lists 
of critical ‘unsolved problems’ in oceanography, seismology, atmospheric 
sciences, and geography in Pentagon conference rooms in the late 1940s and 
early 1950s understood that their assessment of what problems mattered 
most ultimately reflected their patron’s utilitarian needs (Doel, R.: 655). 



49 

Some departments have their hands deeper in the State’s military pockets than do others. The robotics 
program at MIT for example, received 75% of its funds from the Department of Defense (Giroux: 54). 



92 




Henry Giroux argues that not only does military funding within the university have a long 
history, but higher education’s willingness to “ingratiate itself to the national security 
state” continues today, with a massive influx in funding to universities after 9/11. He 
describes not only a “growing and chilling collaboration between higher education and 
the sixteen national intelligence agencies that make up the national security state, but also 
the breathtaking spread of corporate policies, values, and modes of governance 
throughout the realm of higher education” (Giroux, 2011: 125). The result of military 
and corporate influence on the academy according to Giroux, is a myriad of disturbing 
changes throughout education, including restrictions on academic freedom, reduction in 
faculty rights, demoralization of academics, devaluing of critical thought and engaged 
scholarship for both students and faculty, faculty refusal to address urgent social 
problems, etc. As well “undergraduate teaching received short shrift as professors, not 
surprisingly, showed more interest in and loyalty to their patrons outside the university 
than to their own institutions and students” (Lowen, Rebecca: 3). “More striking still is 
the slow death of the university as a center of critique, vital source of civic education, and 
crucial public good. Or, to put it more specifically, the consequence of such dramatic 
transformations has been the near-death of the university as a democratic public sphere”, 
whereby the university is “increasingly reduced to an adjunct of the growing national 
security state” (Giroux, 2011: 125; 130). 

Some students took note of the negative impacts and implications however, and “called 
for an end to war-related research on university campuses and a severing of the 
relationship between the university and the Defense Department; these calls were ignored 



93 




by university administrators” for the most part (Lowen, Rebecca: 234). In response to 
the public and student pressure however, several academic institutions did create satellite 
institutes near campus, in a thinly veiled attempt to continue Defense Department work, 
yet these institutions were often staffed by faculty from the university. Thus, university 
officials could (and did) claim that military research was not connected to the university. 
For example, Stanford University created Stanford Research Institute (SRI) in nearby 
Menlo Park, California. 

STANFORD UNVIVERSTY, SRI, AND THE ST. LOUIS AEROSOL STUDIES 
Stanford University opened officially in 1891, and in the 1930s, the small private 
university included a few hundred faculty members and several thousand students. The 
university had been founded by Jane and Leland Stanford. Leland Stanford was a former 
California senator, and one of four major partners in the Central Pacific Railroad, from 
which he had amassed a fortune (Lowen, Rebecca: 18). Stanford’s personal largess did 
not prevent the university from financial problems, however. Nevertheless, the small 
university hosted students who would move up far through industrial and political ranks. 
Herbert Hoover was one of the first graduates from Stanford, and he later became trustee 
of the university in 1912. The trustees, made up mostly of conservative businessmen, 
allowed Hoover’s “interests to prevail” when he selected an old friend and mentor as 
Stanford’s new president during World War II (Lowen, Rebecca: 20). Under his 
leadership by mid- 1947, “the engineering school was receiving more money from 
military contracts than from the university’s own operating budget. A year later, the 
school had approximately $500,000 in military contracts” (Lowen, Rebecca: 118). 



94 




In 1946 however, Stanford University had spun off Stanford Research Institute (SRI), a 
research center that “would work closely with major business powers in the western 
United States”; SRI took over a former Army hospital complex near the university 
(Krueger, 1 A). This was no spontaneous decision; it was in response to the criticism by 
students of Stanford’s uncomfortably close relationship with the Pentagon. Eventually, 
“he institute dropped the name Stanford Research Institute, and became SRI 
International, the name it uses today” (Krueger, 1A). SRI was accused in the 1960s 
however, of attempting to defraud the federal government of $250,000, based on the 
“separation” of the university from SRI. A lawsuit charged that the federal government 
had been billed by SRI for, 

depreciation on buildings that the government had donated to Stanford 
University, and which the university had later given to SRI. . .the institute 
had acknowledged ‘that the close ties with Stanford University are clear 
cut and unmistakable as evidenced by the fact that the trustees of the 
University are the general members of the Institute and elect the Institute’s 
Board of Directors. . .and are in a position to exercise control of the Institute 
as well of the University regardless of the Institute’s statement to the 
contrary’ (Hersh, S., 1969: 214). 

SRI was in fact, deriving lucrative funding from the public coffers. During the second 
year of SRI’s operations, “70% of SRI’s revenue was derived from contracts with the 
federal government” (Lowen, Rebecca: 17). By 1978, SRI had become the “biggest 
government research contractor”, and they maintained strict secrecy on behalf of their 
clients, denying to a Congressman in the 1970s, a list of contractors (Richards: Al). In 
fact, in 1978, 68% of SRI’s funding still came from government contracts; this amounted 
to approximately $72 million (Richards: Al). 



95 




SRI was a spin-off corporation from Stanford University, but there was ample personnel 

crossover with the Department of Chemistry, where SRI researchers were also faculty 

members. Philip Leighton served as chairman of the Department of Chemistry at 

Stanford University from 1940-1951, and he was the principal researcher at SRI, in 

charge of the 1953-54 St. Louis aerosol studies. Just two years after leaving the chair 

position at Stanford, Leighton was contracted by the U.S. military to design, coordinate, 

and oversee the tests, and to analyze data from the St. Louis aerosol studies. Under 

Leighton’s oversight, the Stanford University Chemistry Department had earlier 

developed a program whereby the department actively partnered with private industry; 

this program was called the “Industrial Affiliates Program”. In the program, each 

company assigned to the university, 

a staff member or two as representatives for liaison purposes, and a 
member of the [Chemistry] Departmental faculty similarly serves as a 
means of maintaining close communication with one or two companies. . . 
the financial support provided to the Affiliates has been invaluable in enabling 
the Department to pursue a vigorous research program during times of rapidly 
rising costs and diminishing government grants (Stanford: 35). 



Some of the “industrial affiliates” that held unprecedented influence over Stanford 
University’s Department of Chemistry included the following: 

• Allied Chemical Corporation 

• Chevron Research 

• DuPont de Nemours & Co. 

• Exxon 

• Haldor 

• Hoffman LaRoche 

• Monsanto Company (St. Louis) 

• Syntex (Palo Alton, CA) 



96 




Many of the corporations listed as members of Stanford’s Industrial Affiliates Program 
were and still are, defense contractors. “The program provided the participating 
companies with privileged and early access to technical information in a field of 
increasing interest to the military” (Lowen, Rebecca: 131). This blurring between 
private industry, universities, and government agencies is problematic, in that at the very 
least, it can become a tool for insider industries to gain market advantage. 50 “The 
relationship between the university and local industry seems not to have bothered 
Stanford’s professors, administrators, or military patrons. . . [and] the development of 
close university-industry ties went unquestioned at the time (Lowen, R.: 135). 

SRI also contracted with the military related to radiation and nuclear-test studies, such as 
the detonation of nuclear bombs. As well as analyzing airborne radiation samples related 
to military nuclear tests Tumbler/Snapper and Ivy Operations, (RAND: 36), SRI, along 
with the New York Operations Office of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC aka 
NYOO), were in the early 1950s, developing a new analytical method for radioactive 
Strontium-90 (Sr90), using electrostatic precipitation. Thus, SRI was working with 
NYOO on a new type of analysis for aerosolized radioactive Sr90, at the same time that 
SRI was in charge of the St. Louis aerosol studies. NYOO’s role was central to the 
efforts of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 



Perhaps the most alarming example resulting from such a partnership, occurred when private company Quaker Oats 
sponsored a study in Massachusetts in the 1940s, whereby MIT researchers fed radioactive strontium-90-laced-oatmeal 
to orphans. The children were not informed, nor did they consent to the study. There were instead, told that their 
participation would distinguish them as members of a new “Science Club”. Thus, industry-funded research in 
partnership with the State, allowed private citizens, indeed parentless children in this case, to be used as unwitting test 
subjects for the profit of the corporation. 



97 




Official records and testimony indicate that SRI 51 contracted with the US military from at 
least 1953 through 1966; other documents indicate that their contractual work began 
much earlier and likely continues today [RAND, 1953; U.S. Senate, 1977: 97). It was 
during that well-documented contract window with the military, that SRI set up and 
coordinated the St. Louis and Minneapolis dispersion studies. Notably, in the year 
preceding the SRI-headed St. Louis aerosol study, Congress “had passed legislation that 
provided for Defense Department indemnification of private contract researchers in cases 
where human experiments resulted in injury to subjects” (Advisory Committee, 1996: 
236). 

Ten years after the St. Louis study, Leighton, et ah, continued to work with the 
fluorescent particulate material FP2266 used in St. Louis, and manufactured by New 
Jersey Zinc. The FP2266 provided to SRI in a subsequent 1963 report, had been 
produced by New Jersey Zinc. The FP2266 was sent to Dugway Proving Ground by 
New Jersey Zinc, where it was retained for several years, before providing it to SRI for 
their “tracer” studies (U.S. Army Chemical Corps, 1963: 27-28). It is unclear whether 
the FP226 had been altered at Dugway, but it is referred to in Leighton’s study as 
“FP2266”, rather than the standard “NJZ2266”, which indicates a formalized name 
change from New Jersey Zinc’s production of the material. Because it was held at 
Dugway for some two years, and the name was changed when Dugway had the material 



According to Seymour Hersh, the General Accounting Office “accused SRI of attempting to defraud it of $250,000 
by charging the government for depreciation on buildings that the government had donated to Stanford University, and 
which the university later gave to SRI” (Hersh: 214). Hersh noted that Stanford University and SRI have very close 
ties; in fact, trustees were also “general managers” of SRI. Other members of the SRI Board of Directors include 
business leaders from the defense industry such as General Dynamics, Northrup, McDonnell-Douglas and others. 



98 




in its possession, it is plausible that the material may have been altered, and the new 
name reflected the change. It is also unclear whether the FP226 referenced in Leighton’s 
1964 study is the material used in St. Louis, but there is some indication that it is. 
Leighton, et ah, noted in the report that the tracer can “be stored as permanent original 
records”, and those samples can be re-examined as much as ten years later (Leighton, et 
al., 1965: 336)". Leighton’s subsequent study was completed approximately ten years 
after the original St. Louis study. SRI’s relationship with Dugway Proving Ground at the 
time of the St. Louis studies is disturbing, particularly in that SRI obtained FP226 from 
Dugway, rather than directly from New Jersey Zinc. A 1994 Congressional investigation 
found that in the 1950s, while SRI was conducting the St. Louis study, Dugway also 
conducted at least 68 open-air trials that included the scattering of radioactive dust 
(Davidson, 1994). Given this information, it is plausible that the material provided by 
Dugway, and used in St. Louis for the aerosol studies, was “enhanced” at Dugway with a 
radioactive component. The St. Louis study may have in fact been the “urban 
equivalent” of the open-air studies done by Dugway in Utah at approximately the same 
time. 

The Manhattan-Rochester Coalition was a Cold War spin-off research and weapons 
development group that emerged from the original Manhattan Project. Military funded 
and coordinated, the scientists who played central roles in the coalition had nearly all 
worked on the Manhattan Project in some capacity, either directly or indirectly. 

52 It is referred to herein as Leighton’s 1964 study because the manuscript was submitted in 1964, although the 
publication date was in 1965. 

53 

Also, Dugway dropped radioactive pellets in open-air tests. It is unclear but seems plausible that the glass beads or 
cork particles that were reportedly dropped by the military in various cities in the 1950s, are likely these radioactive 
pellets. 



99 




Concentric rings of personnel surrounded the ultra-secret military core; the inner circle 
included among others, those elite scientists listed earlier in this chapter. The scientists 
brought expertise, knowledge, enthusiasm, ingenuity, and academic resources to the 
military endeavor. In return, they were part of a secret, elite fraternity of young, white 
males — the best and the brightest minds that free-flowing military money could buy. 

The St. Louis aerosol studies are li nk ed to the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, along 
several lines. First, Louis Hempehnann and David Kennedy- two core members of the 
coalition, both lived in St. Louis and held supervisory positions at Washington University 
that involved the cyclotron and the production of fission materials. Hempehnann had 
been the medical director of the Manhattan Project, at Los Alamos, and studied the health 
effects of radiation exposure in workers at the site. Monsanto would play one of the most 
central roles as a defense contractor, coordinating to a great extent, military efforts during 
the time period just preceding the St. Louis aerosol studies. Monsanto’s world 
headquarters was located in the city of St. Louis, adjacent to the test areas. Monsanto 
was one of only two companies to be notified in advance of the St. Louis studies, while 
the targeted public was left uninfonned of the top secret military-sponsored actions that 
would directly impact them. Philip Leighton, the coordinator of the St. Louis aerosol 
studies, worked closely at that time with the AEC’s NYOO, who also played a major role 
in human radiation studies and military Projects GABRIEL and SUNSHINE. 



100 




John Lawrence- Courtesy of University of California, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. 



101 








& 

Ilf 




t II 



Robert Stone (left) and John Lawrence “treat” patient Robert Penny with 60-inch neutron 
port. Photo courtesy of University of California, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. 



102 






Early Radiation Laboratory staff framed by the magnet for the 60-inch cyclotron in 1938. Front row, left to 
right: John H. Lawrence, Robert Serber, Franz N.D. Kurie, Raymond T. Birge, Ernest O. Lawrence, 
Donald Cooksey, Arthur H. Snell, Luis W. Alvarezz, Philip H. Abelson. Second row: John Backus, Wilfred 
B. Mann, Paul C. Aebersold, Edwin M. McMillan, Ernest Lyman, Martin D. Kamen, D.C. Kalbfell, W.W. 

Salisbury. Back row: Alex S. Langsdorf, Jr., Sam Simmons, Joseph G. Hamilton, David H. Sloan, J. 
Robert Oppenheimer, William Brobeck, Robert Cornog, Robert R. Wilson, Eugene Viez, J.J. Livingood. 
Photo courtesy of University of California, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. 

Three colleagues from the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition appear in this photo: John Lawrence, J. Robert 

Oppenheimer, and Joseph G. Hamilton. 



103 



PREFACE TO CHAPTER FOUR 



The following chapter outlines the emergence of the Atomic Energy Commission, and 
information related to the appointed chairs of the commission. Several chairmen of the 
AEC were closely affiliated with the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, and the 
organization of that group is outlined in this chapter. Connections and influence 
abounded among the elites affiliated with agencies and committees related to defense, as 
well as the defense contractors who were intimately involved in advancing classified 
military goals involving weapons research and development, including the development 
of airborne particles for warfare. 

Military projects GABRIEL and SUNSHINE, which were a major focus of the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, are outlined and discussed in this chapter, along with 
their connection to the St. Louis aerosol studies. This chapter reveals how some ultra- 
classified defense projects were embedded deeply within legitimate projects, to avoid 
public scrutiny and diffuse potential dissent. Thus, military projects were not simply 
labeled as “classified’, but rather they were layered with secrecy, which allowed the elite 
scientists of the coalition to undertake covert human subject research related to 
radioactive materials, without risk of public knowledge of their activity. 



104 




CHAPTER IV 



SUNSHINE AND GABRIEL: 
Organizational Structure of the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition During the Cold War 



z 



After much Congressional debate, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) was officially 
established in August 1946, when President Harry Truman signed the McMahon- 
Douglass/ Atomic Energy Act. Prior to the formation of this agency, the military had 
maintained control over atomic energy and research, and much of the decision-making 
related to such issues were addressed by the Manhattan Project’s General Groves. “The 
AEC was composed of five members, each appointed by the President and confirmed by 
the Senate. The JCAE consisted of 18 members, nine from each house of Congress, and 
was to function as ‘watchdog’ over the AEC. The Act granted the AEC complete 
ownership of all nuclear facilities, research, development, fissionable materials, and 
information related to nuclear energy” (Clarke: 475-76). The Act stipulated that all 
patents would be owned by the commission so that classified intelligence be 
maintained. . .’’government ownership of patents meant that the AEC was the only means 
of access to nuclear technology” (Clarke: 476). Lee Clarke argues that there was no 



105 




compelling economic reason for private interests to invest in nuclear technology. (The 

US military would later strike a deal that would change industry’s perception that nuclear 

technology could not be profitable.) David Lilienthal was the first person appointed to 

chair the AEC. In contrast to the impressive scientific credentials of other persons 

considered for the position, Lilienthal was a rather unremarkable civil servant who had 

been involved in the establishment of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Lilienthal served 

in the capacity as chairman for four years before submitting his resignation; he was 

replaced for the next three years by Gordon Dean (“The Atom”). Dean, a lawyer and a 

former lieutenant in Naval Intelligence, was also a senator and the author of the Atomic 

Energy Act of 1946, and chainnan of the Joint Atomic Energy Committee of Congress. 

According to the U.S. Department of Energy’s official historian Alice L. Buck, 

beginning in October 1950 the Commission embarked on a vast 
expansion program. During the next three years the construction of huge 
plants increased capacity at each step in the production chain. . .the three- 
billion-dollar expansion program represented one of the greatest federal 
construction projects in peacetime history (Buck: 2). 

Lewis Strauss was next appointed as chairman of the AEC in July 1953. Strauss was 
President Eisenhower’s special assistant for atomic energy and supported an expeditious 
nuclear expansion program (Buck: 3). Following Strauss as chainnan, were John 
McCone (1958-1961), Berkeley chemist Glenn Seaborg (1961-1971), James Schlesinger 
(1971-1973), and Dixy Lee Ray (1973-1975). Ray was a graduate of Stanford University 
where she studied marine biology, and was the only woman to serve as chair of the AEC. 
She later became the governor of the state of Washington, and was a staunch advocate of 
nuclear power. John McCone, an industrialist who had been the founder of defense 
contractor Bechtel-McCone, left the Atomic Energy Commission to become director of 



106 




the CIA from 1961 to 1965, under presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Nobel-Prize 
winning chemist and AEC chairman Seaborg had worked on the Manhattan Project, was 
closely affiliated with Chicago’s MetLab, the University of Califomia-Berkeley, and the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 

A COALITION OF ELITE SCIENTISTS 

Robert S. Stone, Joseph Hamilton, Louis Hempelmann, Wright Langham, and the other 
scientists — all had worked directly or indirectly on the Manhattan Project, and led an elite 
corp of scientists/physicians in the newly formed Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. Their 
task was to develop new nuclear or radiation-based weapons, and examine human health 
effects from radiation exposure. The men all either knew each other by attending the 
same elite colleges, or they had mutual acquaintances that recommended them for posts. 
This coalition of elites, were involved in human experiments that were planned and 
coordinated at the highest levels of secrecy by the Manhattan Engineering District, and 
funded by the Atomic Energy Commission. On the rare occasions when one or two of 
the studies slipped into the literature despite the careful eye of General Groves and other 
gatekeepers, the studies were explained away as the work of rogue researchers, or they 
appeared in journals obscure enough to not draw attention. For example, hospital 
officials at Strong Memorial Hospital in Rochester initially expressed regret about human 
radiation studies that took place on their premises. “But the repentant attitude hardened 
into a defensive posture as debate over the experiment raged. Hospital spokesman Robert 
Loeb described the plutonium injections as a ‘covert extracurricular activity’ of which the 
university was not aware and did not approve” (Welsome: 478). Regardless of false 



107 




revisionist statements, the ten men of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, were intimately 
linked to the top levels of the military war machine, and the coalition harnessed the same 
creativity that produced the atom bomb, to detennine what would be the next area of 
radiation weapons-related research. 

The men were assigned to particular regions of the United States- Lawrence and 
Hamilton on the west coast (University of California-Berkeley), Stone in Chicago 
(University of Chicago aka MetLab), Hempelmann transferred from St. Louis to Los 
Alamos as medical director, and back to Washington University (St. Louis) in 1951 and 
1952. Wright Langham, was the coordinator at Oak Ridge and Rochester, and General 
Stafford Warren, was the medical director at Los Alamos. Hempelmann and 
Oppenheimer were very close friends at Los Alamos, and later when Hempelmann would 
move to Rochester, they would care for the Oppenheimer children as “Oppie” went 
through trial (Bird, K., and Sherwin, 2006) 54 . 

The coalition’s work was measured, calculated and highly coordinated, and part of a 
larger effort of the newly extended post-war Manhattan Engineer District. In this newly 
extended effort, “ten autonomous but mutually interdependent divisions were 
established... [whereby] experiments were discussed and organized on a cooperative basis 
through a system of ‘planning sessions’” or conferences, coordinated by and held at the 
University of Rochester (Fink: xi) 55 . The dozen or so military/academic elites traveled 
frequently from their respected assignments throughout North America, to meet, plan, 

54 

The Atomic Energy Commission, to take control and oust him from his position, brought forth lawsuit. 

55 Document obtained at the Library of Congress, Washington, DC. 



108 




and attend the University of Rochester’s “conferences”, which were held every few 
weeks, and were often completely classified. Rochester was a place where the men felt 
comfortable; in fact, Hempelmann would ultimately retire there. 

The U.S. military made a deliberate decision to contract out much of their Research and 
Development work to private companies in the 1940s. Private companies thus, had 
unprecedented power over the direction and production of chemical, biological and 
nuclear weapons programs and use in warfare. External advisory committees headed by 
individuals from academia and/or industry that were central to this effort included the 
following: 

• The US Biological Warfare Committee (aka Merck Committee; headed by 
George W. Merck, president of Merck Corporation; 1940s). 

• Committee on Biological Warfare of the National Military Establishment 
Research and Development Board (aka Baldwin Committee; 1940s). 

• The Ad Hoc Committee on BW Testing (aka Scheele Committee; mid 
1950s) 

• The Interagency Survey Committees on BW Testing (aka Price 
Committee; late 1950s). 

• Deseret Test Center Medical Advisory Committee (aka Davis Committee; 
1962-1969) 

According to Army documents, “these committees did in fact make strong 
recommendations for safety/medical requirements and specified certain pathogenic 
microorganisms which should be utilized for open-air testing. Indeed, St. Louis was not 



109 




the only city to experience open-air field tests. Microorganism “simulants” were sprayed 
in many U.S. cities; this included (but is not limited to) BG (. Bacillus Globigii), SM 
(Serratia Marcescens ), Bacillus subtilis, and Aspergillus funigatus. In fact, the Army 
released SM and Bacillus subtilis into the San Francisco and New York subway systems 
(NRC, 1997b : 1 19). 

The Army considered the industry recommendations binding (U.S. House, 1994: 107), 
and as a result at least one American corporation (Merck) made the selection of which 
pathogens would be sprayed over which cities of unsuspecting civilians. Perhaps the 
Anny had agreed to let their selections stand, due to conflicts of interest. The Merck 
Corporation for example, had contracts with Fort Detrick between 1955 and 1961- during 
the time that Detrick was fully in charge of biological research and development (U.S. 
House, 1994: 91). It is also certainly possible that Merck and Company held a contract 
with Fort Detrick or the Department of Defense prior to 1955. 

It is interesting nevertheless that the agency in charge of at least the biological weapons 
program deferred to industry interests, and allowed private companies to decide what 
safety measures would be taken for citizens, what chemical or microorganisms would be 
tested on people. Clearly, industry was at the helm. 

SCHEELE COMMITTEE 

The Scheele Committee takes its name by committee chair Dr. Leonard Scheele, Surgeon 
General of the U.S. Public Health Service. The Scheele Committee seated nine members 
in 1953. The Scheele committee emphasized to Dugway Proving Ground in 1953, “the 



110 




importance of continuing and expanding meteorological investigations” and they 
recommended that “numerous small and large scale tests be done with viable biological 
simulants... and inert particulates (FP) to determine cloud travel and deposition” (U.S. 
House, 1994: 156). Although Army officials reviewed minutes of the Scheele 
Committee meeting discussing field trials, they did not provide those minutes or the 
names of committee members to a Congressional committee investigating human subject 
testing in 1994. The Army did however, readily admit in 1977 to another investigatory 
Congressional committee, that “all of these recommendations were immediately and fully 
implemented” (U.S. House, 1994: 156). The information provided to the Congressional 
Committee is listed below; the names of committee members were redacted for Congress, 
however, titles and affiliations remain. 



Scheele Committee Membership (1953): 

Leonard A. Scheele, MD, Chairman 
Surgeon General-US Public Health Service 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare 
Washington DC 

Chief, Bureau of Animal Industry 
US Department of Agriculture 
Washington, DC 

State Director of Public Health 
Utah State Department of Health 
Salt Lake City, Utah 

Operations Research Office 
The Johns Hopkins University 
6410 Connecticut Ave. 

Chevy Chase, MD 

Chief, Biological Warfare Branch 
Research and Development Division 



111 




Office of the Chief Chemical Officer 
Washington, DC 

Assistant to the Secretary of Defense 
(Health and Medical) 

Washington, DC 

Professor of Bacteriology 
College of Agriculture 
University of Wisconsin 
Madison, Wisconsin 

Health & Special Weapons Defense Office 
Federal Civil Defense Administration 
Washington, DC 

President, Anned Forces Epidemiological Board 

Professor of Microbiology 

College of Medicine 

New York University 

477 1 st Ave 

New York, NY 



Advisors to the Scheele Committee (1953): 

Chief, Office of Health Emergency Planning 
Public Health Service 

Department of Health, Education and Welfare 
Washington, DC 

Director, Microbiological Institute 
National Institutes of Health 
Public Health Service 

Department of Health, Education and Welfare 
Bethesda, Maryland 



The Scheele Committee also recommended that ‘appropriate state officials’ be 
continually infonned of tests to be conducted with pathogenic agents in order that their 
cooperation may be obtained. . (U.S. House, 1994: 156). The committee did not 



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however, recommend that local officials or citizens be notified of pending experiments 
on humans. 

DAVIS COMMITTEE 

The Deseret Test Center Medical Advisory Committee (aka “The Davis Committee”), 
was chaired by Dr. Dorland G. Davis, Director of the National Institute of Allergy & 
Infectious Diseases, and served between 1962 and 1969. All committee members were 
public health officials, and some had fonnerly served on the Price and Scheele 
committees. The membership made recommendations based on agent use and test sites, 
and committee members sometimes visited proposed test sites. The Davis Committee is 
of interest because several St. Louis studies took place during the time this committee 
made recommendations. In all likelihood, it was the Scheele Committee (1953 series) 
and the Davis Committee (1963-65 series) that recommended that St. Louis be tested 
with ZnCdS. This does not however, omit the possibility that either Dugway Proving 
Ground or Philip Leighton, altered the recommendation to include an additional test 
material in the St. Louis study. As in testimony related to the Scheele Committee, 
military officials, from a list provided to the investigating Senate Subcommittee, redacted 
names of committee members. Titles and/or affiliations remain. 



Davis Committee Membership (1963-1965): 

Dr. Dorland J. Davis, Chairman 

Direction, National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases 
National Institute of Health 
Bethesda, Maryland 

Assistant Chief, Ecological Investigations Program 
U.S. Public Health Service, CDC 
Colorado State University 
Fort Collins, Colorado 



113 




Senior Staff Veterinarian 
Emergency Animal Diseases 
Animal Health Division 
Agriculture Research Service 
Hyattsville, Maryland 

Associate Dean, Graduate School 
University of Wisconsin 
Madison, Wisconsin 

Chief, Section of Wildlife Disease and Parasite Studies 
Patuxent Wildlife Research Center 
US Fish and Wildlife Service 
Laurel, Maryland 

Chief, Epidemiology Branch 
Communicable Disease Center 
Atlanta, Georgia 

Principal Medical Entomologist 
Rocky Mountain Laboratory 
Hamilton, Montana 

Yale University 
Hartford, Connecticut 



MONSANTO 

In the fall of 1953, Army officials prepared for their upcoming aerosol dispersion study 
in St. Louis. Limited meetings were held with only a select few St. Louis city officials, 
in advance of the summer test series. Military documents note that, “minor difficulties 
with the Park Commissioner were ironed out with the completion of the change in city 
administration” (U.S. Army Chemical Corps, 1953b: 18) 56 . In other words, any internal 
resistance by city officials was met with replacement of that individual. For some reason 



Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



114 




not identified in the very limited official reports, meetings were also arranged with 
officials of Monsanto Chemical Company, Socony-Vacuum Oil Company, Granite City 
Steel Corp., and the Board of Aldennen of nearby Granite City, 1L (National Research 
Council, 1997b: 274; U.S. Army, 1953b: 27). 57 Monsanto and Socony had worked 
together previously on U.S. Forest Service and Air Force contract projects, involving 
petroleum hydrocarbons and herbicide use. Monsanto officials had curiously, been one 
of only a few persons apprised in advance of the St. Louis aerosol study by military 
officials (NRC, 1997b). The company’s world headquarters is located in St. Louis, but 
their involvement in the aerosol tests was not a matter of a courtesy call by the U.S. 
military. Military documents from 1953 note that "tests are planned at a Monsanto plant 
located in St. Louis proper, representing a large chemicals manufacturing complex; at the 
Socony-Vacuum refinery in East St. Louis, Illinois 59 , representing a large petroleum 
refining complex; and at the Granite City Steel Corporation, representing a large steel 
manufacturing complex, including blast furnaces, open hearth furnaces, and blooming 
and rolling facilities" (U.S. Army, 1953b: 27) 60 . Indeed, Monsanto had a powerful role 
in the military network and in decision-making circles; they were also under contract 
with the Atomic Energy Commission, along with other companies such as General 
Electric, Westinghouse, Union Carbide, Dow, Eastman Kodak and St. Louis’ 
Mallinckrodt. Monsanto also had close connections to Washington University in St. 



57 

Granite City, Illinois was in the 1950s primarily a steel-mill town, and is located just across the Mississippi River 

from the city of St. Louis, Missouri. 

58 

Hull, Herbert M. Studies on Herbicidal Absorption and Translocation in Velvet Mesquite Seedlings. Weeds, v. 4, 1. 
January, 1956: 22-42. Zengel, Lander, Scribner, Warren (1964, March). An Examination of Methods for Calculating 
Vapor Pressure of Petroleum Hydrocarbon. Air Force Aero Propulsion Laboratory, Research and Technology 
Division, Air Force Systems Command, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio. Project No. 3048, Task No. 30-1801. 

59 

East St. Louis, IL is located directly across the river from the city of St. Louis, MO. 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 2011 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah. 



115 




Louis, with many Monsanto executives in key positions of fund-raising and other roles at 
the university (Morrow, 1996). 

In the 1940s and 1950s, Monsanto officials were deeply interested in nuclear weapons 
technology, and had been a financial contributor to a cyclotron at St. Louis’ Washington 
University in the 1940s. Washington University and many of its faculty would become 
an integral part of the military machine that was the Manhattan Project, and the cyclotron 
was instrumental in providing plutonium for the atomic bomb at Los Alamos. 
Washington University faculty member Louis Hempelmann became a key member of the 
spinoff Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, which led human-subject radiation research 
projects of every type, across the United States. Indeed, Hempelmann had a long history 
of human subject testing with radioactive materials, and collection of data related to 
radiation exposure at Los Alamos. The cyclotron at Washington University, would be 
used for studies related to human effects of radiation and to produce radioactive tracers, 
and Monsanto provided grants for Washington University to operate the “atom smasher”. 
Washington University would later provide engineering faculty and students as a labor 
force for the St. Louis aerosol studies. “Beginning with the third series, on-call student 
help was obtained from Washington University through the assistance of Professor E. 
Egerly of the Department of Civil Engineering. The students constituted more than half 
of the test personnel during the last four series” (Pooler: 678). 

The company also held a spot in Stanford University Department of Chemistry’s 
“Industrial Affiliates Program”, where Philip Leighton was faculty member and the 



116 




former chair, when he took on the role of principal researcher of the St. Louis aerosol 
studies. Presumably, through this Industrial Affiliates Program, Leighton worked closely 
with Monsanto who had unprecedented access to faculty and influence over Stanford’s 
chemistry department. 

Monsanto was already as deeply embedded within the defense network as was possible, 
by the time they were “notified” of a pending aerosol study in St. Louis. The company 
had in fact been in charge of the military’s Oak Ridge National Laboratory, since 1945 
(fka Clinton Labs; aka Clinton Engineer Works; aka “X-10” Plant) (ORNL: 2) 61 . When 
Monsanto’s vice-president Charles Thomas took over the supervision and project 
directorship of Oak Ridge, he retained his main office at Monsanto’s corporate 
headquarters in St. Louis (ORNL: 2). Monsanto’s Oak Ridge National Laboratories was 
known as “one of the three major nuclear research labs in the United States” (ORNL: 3). 
In fact, Monsanto ran Oak Ridge on 56,000 remote acres in Tennessee, under contract 
with the Department of Defense, where its official name was Clinton Engineer Works. 
“Several vast factories where uranium-235 would be produced also were located in the 
rolling hills and valleys. The bomb builders, still unsure whether enough uranium or 
plutonium could be produced to make a weapon, were hedging their bets and pursuing 
several ways to produce enriched uranium, as well as plutonium” (Welsome: 41). 
Clinton/Oak Ridge was designed to above all, develop methods for plutonium recovery, 
however General Groves concluded that the pilot plant site was not sufficient for 
plutonium production, in part due to the need for isolation and a large power supply, so 



Heretofore, referred to as Oak Ridge National Laboratories (or Oak Ridge) for purposes of clarity and uniformity. 



117 




that task would later transfer to Hanford Engineer Works (Smyth, H.: 1 12). The Clinton 
plant would eventually house a gaseous diffusion plant, an electromagnetic separation 
plant, and a thennal diffusion plant, and started operations in 1945 (Smyth: 184). 
According to the U.S. Department of Energy, Oak Ridge was the nation’s “largest 
supplier of radioisotopes for medical, industrial, and physical research, as well as a 
regional center or research in chemistry, physics, metallurgy, and biology. The 
laboratory also conducted the largest radiation genetics program in the world” (Buck, 
1982: 2). 

By the summer of 1946, Monsanto was deeply entrenched in the nucleus of the “war 
effort”, and had also provided radioactive carbon- 14 to “a cancer research hospital in St. 
Louis” “ (ORNL: 5). Monsanto’s vice-president and head of Oak Ridge Charles 
Thomas, also held sway over his professional colleagues around the world, as president 
of the American Chemical Society (Forrestal: 193). Indeed, some insiders might have 
posited that Monsanto was at that time, at the core of the chemical, biological, and 
radiological research and development effort. 

In the summer of 1950, officials from the Monsanto Company, approached the newly 
formed Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and proposed that the company design, 
construct and operate at least one nuclear reactor to produce plutonium for military use, 
as well as provide a profitable distribution of energy to the public during peace time. 



62 

” Presumably, Washington University. This long-standing relationship would continue; in 1976 Monsanto revealed 
plans to construct a $12 million toxicology lab adjacent to Washington University (Forestall: 189), and donated 
$100,000,000 to the School of Medicine in 1982 for research into the effects on proteins and peptides on cell behavior 
(Morrow: 623). 



118 




Monsanto was still overseeing activities at Oak Ridge aka Clinton Labs at that time, and 
thus, had insider status with the agency. Other companies including Dow, Union 
Electric, and Bechtel, sought a similar arrangement with the AEC, and the agency asked 
the companies to provide written proposals for dual-purpose reactors to be submitted 
within one year. “More than 100 engineers and scientists of the 8 firms were cleared for 
access to restricted data. These men devoted full or part time to examining reports, 
visiting AEC installations, and talking with people working in the reactor field” (AEC, 
1953: iv). Monsanto officials visited “the principal AEC installations. . .and certain 
fundamental information was obtained through conferences scheduled at the various 
sites” (AEC: 52). The AEC would share with Monsanto officials that “enriched uranium 
would be made available” to the companies in their production of plutonium for military 
use (AEC: 52). In other words, if the AEC funded the building of a major facility to be 
owned by Monsanto, the company would in turn, produce radioactive plutonium for 
military use, and provide for sale nuclear power during times of peace. With this 
proposal, government (and thus, taxpayers) would fund a nuclear facility to be owned and 
run by a private company, for corporate profit. This agency/industry arrangement would 
not only be lucrative to industry, and advance military goals, but it also extended an 
unprecedented level of shared classified data and highly restricted weapons materials, to 
private industrial interests. 

In classic “Revolving Door” fashion, Charles Thomas left Oak Ridge in 1951, when 
Monsanto submitted their written proposal to the AEC, and he was promptly promoted 
from vice-president to president of Monsanto (ORNL: 13). The AEC had at that time, a 



119 




policy “for dissemination of unclassified and declassified atomic energy information” 

(AEC, 1953: iv). They also wanted to secure “greater industrial participation in reactor 

development” as prompted in part, by the corporations’ proposals to build nuclear 

reactors (AEC, 1953: iv). To this end, the AEC contracted with two insider consultants 

who were “representatives of the industrial participation contractors”, both editors (or 

managers) of industry-related publications. The two members took the classified reports 

and prepared “declassified versions” for public issue. ~ The resultant public-issued 

reports do “not present a balanced picture of the original reports, owing to security 

limitations”, according to the AEC (AEC, 1953: v). Thus, the information placed in the 

public domain was a distorted and fragmented image of the issue, packaged as a “value to 

industry” argument, rather than the actual military goals (while omitting social and 

economic costs). In other words, the military was making a sales pitch for American 

companies to invest in plutonium production for military use, while selling them on the 

potentially lucrative nature of consumer power-production during peacetime, in this plan 

of “dual-use” technology. UCLA’s Lee Clarke agrees that “the government promoted the 

nuclear industry for the purpose of advancing military technology” and thus, the state 

became a central player shaping development of what is now the nuclear power industry 

(Clarke: 474). Hooks and McLauchlan argue that, 

under ‘dual-use’ policy the path of technological development is bounded 
by the requirement of demonstrating military applications. Thus scientific 
and technological advancement is being led by military agencies to 
complement the existing military technology base and to serve the 
Department of Defense’s emerging technological agenda (Hooks, G. 
and G. McLauchlan: 163). 



63 



AEC would also do the same for Project Sunshine, and retroactively for Project Gabriel. 



120 




This strategy by the military to lure industry involvement in military research and 
development projects, may have served other purposes as well. “Dual-use” may have 
been a tactic to mask defense-related activity under a blanket of industrial research, 
production, and add additional layers of secrecy through intellectual property laws. 

Hooks and McLauchlan also argue that, “instead of converting federal and private 
facilities from military to civilian applications, critics contend the dual-use strategy 
constitutes a ‘Trojan Horse’ that perpetuates the overemphasis on defense production and 
underinvestment in civilian-oriented initiatives” (Hooks, et ah, 163). 64 

A secret Army document outlining the St. Louis aerosol project notes that “as a result of 
these meetings, the full cooperation of these industrial firms was extended to The Ralph 
M. Parsons Company in the prosecution of the testing program, with pennission being 
granted by all firms for use of company properties for field test sites” (U.S. Anny, 1953b: 
27). “Tests were planned” with Monsanto 65 ; Socony-Vacuum (aka Rockefeller’s 
Standard Oil Company of New York, which eventually became ExxonMobil), which was 
located near Monsanto, was also involved, but to what degree is unknown. This vague 
statement implies either that 1) The company’s military or corporate lab facilities, which 
were admittedly sophisticated enough to even analyze for radioactive materials, were to 
analyze samples associated with the study, or 2) that the Monsanto facility itself would be 
utilized as a target area where additional tests would be done. Monsanto’s headquarters 
at that time were located in downtown St. Louis, on South Second Street. Monsanto also 
had a “central research lab” in Ohio, where Charles Thomas head of Clinton/Oak Ridge 

64 

This critique was in response to President Bill Clinton’s reorientation towards dual-use strategy, but is applicable to 
similar early programs. 

According to the Army, Monsanto was at that time, located in “St. Louis proper”. 



121 




Laboratory in the early 1950s, had begun his career. Monsanto’s AEC-sponsored 
laboratory that had been proposed in 1950, was built in Miamisburg, Ohio. Called 
“Mound Lab”, Monsanto employees researched radioactive materials and polonium for 
the Atomic Energy Project; the lab was located less than fifty miles from Cincinnati 
(Forrestal: 103). 

By the time military officials visited St. Louis in 1953 to set up the aerosol study, the 
former chief of Oak Ridge National Laboratories (one of the largest nuclear research labs 
in the country), Charles Thomas, was the president of Monsanto. (Thomas would remain 
in that position for a dozen more years, which also includes the timeframe of the second 
aerosol study, in 1963 — the same year that he also became chair of the trustee’s 
committee on planning and development at Washington University). Under Thomas’ 
watch, a new subsidiary was officially established in 1960, called Monsanto Research 
Corporation. The subsidiary was charged with the responsibility of handling contract 
research for the government, and for supervising Mound Laboratories, which some 
sources report that Monsanto had been operating under contract for the Atomic Energy 
Commission since 1943, rather than 1950 as indicated in AEC records. Mound Lab also 
developed plutonium capsules, polonium, and other radioactive isotopes (Forrestal: 163; 
181; 193; 2 14). 66 Some official reports indicate that the later aerosol studies in St. Louis 
were sent to Cincinnati, Ohio for analysis, and Monsanto’s role in the St. Louis studies 



Their coalition partners at the University of Rochester adapted the “Mound Laboratory procedure” for polonium 
urinalysis in 1953, to detect “the accidental ingestion, inhalation, or incision of amounts of polonium” in humans. 
These procedures were adapted for Rochester by Mound Laboratory’s Ruth Kennedy Scherberger (Krebs, C.A., and 
Whipple, G. H.: 2-3). 



122 




and as an approved defense contractor, indicate that it was at Mound City, that at least 
some of the aerosol data was analyzed. 

By 1965, Charles Thomas had stepped down as president of Monsanto, but stayed on as 
chairman of the board for five years and then as a retired board member until 1970 
(Forrestal: 203; 256). Records indicate that Monsanto’s deeply embedded military- 
industrial contractual relationship continued through 1969, and into the 1970s when they 
provided the US military with Agent Orange and other chemical weapons, under contract 
with the Department of Defense for use in the Vietnam War. 

Several decades after the St. Louis aerosol studies, a local attorney investigating 
Monsanto found that corporate officials decades earlier, had secretly tested human tissues 
from deceased St. Louis residents (Francis, 1994; Downs, 1998; Martino-Taylor, 2006: 
44) . It is quite plausible that this secret testing of cadavers by a defense contractor 
involved in the St. Louis aerosol studies, was a follow-up study to measure radiation 
exposure in residents in the city of St. Louis. In fact, that is exactly what occurred under 
Project GABRIEL and Project SUNSHINE. 

IN THIS HOUSE: PROJECTS GABRIEL & SUNSHINE 

In an effort to gather what they claimed was radiation fallout data, the Atomic Energy 
Commission began Project GABRIEL, Project AUREOLE, and Project SUNSHINE. 
Project GABRIEL was initiated at Oak Ridge, when Monsanto was in charge of the 



67 



See Kemner v. Monsanto; Saint Clair County, Illinois; Filed by plaintiffs’ Attorney Rex Carr, Esquire. 



123 




/TQ 

facility. A presidential commission in 1994 located military documents which indicated 
that, “as early as 1947 the Atomic Energy Commission had a policy in place for 
conducting radiation experiments on humans” (U.S. Proposed Nuclear: 12A). A U.S. 
Senate -requested Government Accounting Office (GAO) study found that as early as 
1943, radioactive polonium had been injected into hospital patients to test for human 
absorption of the isotope (GAO: 35) 69 . Polonium was in fact, produced at Monsanto’s 
Mound City facility. In 1945, “at the request of the Manhattan Engineer District”, a 
metabolic ward had been ‘activated’ at Rochester’s Strong Memorial Hospital to carry 
out ‘certain tracer studies’ with long-lived radioisotopes” (Welsome: 125). According to 
documents that were not released to the public until 1995, the experiment sprang out of a 
Rochester meeting discussion, as well as ‘numerous’ conversations with Colonel Warren, 
Colonel Friedell, and Dr. L. H. Hempelmann’ (Welsome: 126). Hempelmann later told 
investigators that a “’deliberate decision was made not to inform the patient[s] of the 
nature of the product that was injected’” (Welsome: 127). As a result of this secret 
project, between October 16, 1945 and July 16, 1946, eleven hospital patients in 
Rochester were injected with plutonium. In 1946, radioactive zirconium-95 was injected 
into at least one patient at the University of San Francisco, and the University of 
California, Berkeley at the behest of the AEC (GAO: 37). A newspaper reported that 
Robert Stone, “exposed 32 dying patients to powerful X-rays to examine radiation’s 
effect on the body” at the University of California Hospital in San Francisco (Herken, G. 
and David, J., 1994). Thus, several independent entities provide evidence of a 



68 

Official correspondence indicates that Project Gabriel may have begun as early as 1944, on or about the secret 

Manhattan meetings in Rochester, although the official name GABRIEL may not have been assigned to the project yet. 
69 

See Appendix D for a synopsis of the GAO’s findings. 



124 




coordinated human subject studies prior to those initiated through Project GABRIEL, 
Project AUREOLE, and the subsequent Project SUNSHINE. 

Project GABRIEL was the responsibility of the Division of Biology and Medicine within 
the AEC, and the focus of the project was the study of radioactive isotopes, particularly 
Strontium 90 (Sr90) in the environment. The narrative that rationalized the studies, was 
that they were necessary as a result of international nuclear weapons testing. At least 
three major labs coordinated analyses for soil, alfalfa, animal, dairy products, rain water, 
drinking and surface water, along with human bones from the United States and 20 
foreign countries for Sr90: University of Chicago, under W.F. Libby; Columbia 
University, under J.L. Kulp; and the New York Operations Office of the AEC [heretofore 
referred to as NYOO] (U.S. AEC, 1954: 2). All samples, taken from over 100 sampling 
locations in the U.S. and the twenty or so foreign countries, were “sent to NYOO for 
measurement of activity” (U.S. AEC, 1954: 2). Thus, the primary responsibility of the 
sampling analysis for exposure to radioisotopes came under the purview of the AEC’s 
NYOO. Air sampling throughout the United States for Sr90 had already begun before 
1951 (U.S. AEC, 1954: 8). 

One AEC report regarding GABRIEL, notes the results of human thyroid tests from 
cadavers in Chicago and New York with a disturbing tone of indifference; particularly 
since the study measured body burden levels in individuals both purposely and 
“accidentally” exposed to radionuclide. The authors of the report discuss another study 
that included spectrographic analyses on the bones of 26 individuals— including 12 



125 




cadavers preserved since 1914, and also the testing of a number of fetuses (AEC, 1954: 
14). The test data was startlingly comprehensive in scope, and included radiation studies 
on mice, rats, rabbits, dogs, steers, monkeys, goats’ milk, cheese, lambs, and calves. 
Human stillborns had been “collected” from Utah, S. India, and Massachusetts, and at 
least six human cadavers were obtained at a University of California hospital. An AEC 
Project GABRIEL report indicates that prior to death, the six patients had been 
administered doses of Strontium-89 (AEC, 1954: 39). Two other humans had been 
administered doses of Strontium-89, but they both survived. Another eleven humans 
were given “x and gamma irradiation of bone” (AEC, 1954: 41). A Clinton presidential 
commission in the 1990s reviewed a formerly classified 1954 Project GABRIEL report as 
part of an effort towards transparency regarding human subject radiation testing. The 
Project GABRIEL update reported with surprising detachment and candor, that “55 
human stillborn infants had been collected in Chicago, and analyzed by Drs. Kelp of 
Columbia and Libby of Chicago, and that Dr. Libby had done analyses of [a] stillborn 
infants from Utah, three stillborn from Vellore, South India, and three ‘human legs 
(adult)’ from Massachusetts” (Advisory Committee: 4). A separate GAO report notes 
that during Project GABRIEL, “stillborn babies were cremated to detennine the content, 
in their ashes, of [radioactive] strontium that resulted from atmospheric nuclear weapons 
testing” (GAO, 1995: 3). In a 1995 interview of Merril Eisenbud, the former head of the 
NYOO, Eisenbud discussed Projects GABRIEL and SUNSHINE, and how in his 
capacity as director of the Heath & Safety Division of NYOO, it was his division’s task 
to obtain autopsy specimens. Eisenbud described how the NYOO obtained bodies (or 
body parts such as thyroids, lungs, etc.), from Bellevue morgue, which was run by the 



126 




city of New York (U.S. DOE, 1995c: 85). He wistfully recalled the slogan on the 
building of Bellevue morgue: 



I’ve forgotten the words; it was in Latin. And in the translation underneath, 
something to the effect that, ‘In this house’ — it’s a quotation from classical 
Latin- ‘In this house, we, the dead, live for the living’ - something like 
that, meaning that there were lessons to be learned (U.S. DOE, 1995c: 85) 

Eisenbud, like many of the other scientists involved in Projects GABRIEL and 
SUNSHINE, thus viewed the poor as a resource for the wealthy elites who were focused 
on not simply military advancement, but also career advancement, while framing it in 
terms of “public health”. Much as the residents in the city of St. Louis- an American 
“slum”- were purposefully targeted, those who were poor and predominantly of color 
were used again without notification or approval, to test the effects of new weapons for 
use ultimately in similar populations around the world. In addition, what the studies, 
reports, and communications do not reveal, is that most (if not all) of the nuclear 
test/radiation exposures in the American population came from state-sponsored testing 
and exposure of civilians, in a highly coordinated effort to advance warfare and 
weaponry. In other words, victims- both alive and dead, many of them poor people of 
color, were used as human test subjects for weapons testing, without their consent or 
knowledge. 

Willard Libby, head of Project GABRIEL (as well as Project SUNSHINE), himself tested 
“radioactive tracers” as early as 1947 (Libby, 1947), and also tested thyroids from 
cadavers for radiation exposure. Libby also tested Mississippi River water for the 
presence of radiostrontium, at the same time the St. Louis study was in commission. 



127 




(U.S. AEC, 1954: 9). 70 At the University of Chicago during GABRIEL, Libby tested at 
least 59 stillborn babies for levels of radioactive strontium-90. Libby was central in the 
coalition of scientists assigned by the Manhattan Engineer District to secretly advance the 
military effort of increased chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons post World War 
II. 71 Dr. Libby was also the president of the Atomic Energy Commission, and he worked 
at great length to coordinate all types of radiation studies, including those related to 
human health. At Libby’s MetLab, he measured radionuclide contamination in “sunshine 
units” (AEC, 1954: 25). 72 A 1993 GAO report indicated that the US military had been 
engaging in secret radiation tests on humans since the 1940s. Prompted by the blind goal 
to rapidly develop offensive radiation warfare, the Government engaged in deliberate acts 
of deception to cover their acts, and to advance the nuclear arms race, according to the 
New York Times. Indeed, 

. . .the Government was considering two types of radiation weapons. 

The first would have exposed enemy soldiers to nuclear materials so intensely 
radioactive that they would have died or been severely injured. These battlefield 
materials would have lost their radioactivity in hours or days, so that American 
troops could have entered the area (Schneider, Keith, 1983a). 

At least a dozen or more experiments that exposed civilians to radiation took place, 

where researchers “released thousands of times the radiation that would be considered 

safe today” (Schneider, K., 1983b). At least one study was planned to test “a type of 

radiation weapon” that “would have spread longer-lived radioactive particles, rendering 

the land unfit for human habitation for as long as the materials remained radioactive” 



70 The St. Louis study aligned the Mississippi riverfront. 

71 Libby was also Commissioner of the Atomic Energy Commission, and would later win a Nobel Prize for 
research related to carbon dating in 1960. See 

http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/chemistry/laureates/1960/libby-bio.html 

72 

One might suggest that this is where Libby derived the name for Project Sunshine. 



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(Schneider, K., 1983a, 1983b). Thus, researchers affiliated with the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition were developing radioactive airborne particulates for use in warfare. 

As if the scientists involved in Project Gabriel had an insatiable thirst for the macabre, 
their bold and vast repertoire of experiments under the banner of Project GABRIEL, only 
opened the door for further studies. The studies also represented a sharp turn from a 
focus on defensive use of weapons, to offensive. In 1952, the AEC and US Air Force 
contracted with the RAND Corporation to study the findings of Project GABRIEL. 



THE RAND REPORT 

In the summer of 1953, RAND held a short conference of selected consultants 
to make an over-all review of GABRIEL. The conference recommended that 
studies then current be supplemented by a worldwide assay of the distribution of 
Sr90 from the nuclear detonations that have occurred. This assay has been 
designated Project SUNSHINE (U.S.AEC, 1954: 2). 



Project SUNSHINE began in 1953 73 as a continuance of Project GABRIEL. Like 
GABRIEL, it was a top-secret project headed by William Libby. A July, 1953 RAND 
conference regarding SUNSHINE, included a large number of key players involved in 
defense and the MIA complex, including scientists, AEC officials, defense lab analysts 
including Los Alamos and MetLab, Air Force research center personnel, officials from 
the Armed Forces Special Weapons Project, and individuals from private defense firms 
such as TracerLab, General Electric, and SRI (Stanford Research Institute) 74 . The 
conference had an “invitation only” status, and members were notified that, “the 



3 Coincidentally or not. Project SUNSHINE began same year as the St. Louis aerosol study. 

74 

At least two people attended from Stanford Research Institute (SRI), which designed and provided oversight to the 
1953-54 St. Louis study, as well as analyzed the data from the study. 



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existence of the project and the conference itself should not be revealed to anyone other 
than those who have been contacted officially in connection with the project” (Advisory 
Committee, 1995: 1). In fact, conference invitees were told to return their classified 
invitations by registered mail to a particular confidential address (Advisory Committee, 
1995: 2). 

During the RAND conference, RAND officials discussed preliminary research data, 
which indicated Sr90 has a “high carcinogenic capability”... “fixed in the bone [it] will 
cause a certain average percentage of the population to die of bone cancer comparable 
with that observed in victims of radium poisoning” (RAND: 4). RAND subsequently 
issued a report on some of the findings, and they acknowledge that children are 
particularly vulnerable to the carcinogenic effects of Sr90. The danger to children is not 
limited to bone deposition of the radioactive material; “...we must also bear in mind that 
young growing tissue is more radiosensitive than adult tissue having lower rates of cell 
division” (RAND: 42-43). “As strontium follows a similar metabolic pathway [to 
calcium], our chief items of concern will be deposition and accumulation of radioactivity 
in bone” (RAND: 38). Although RAND acknowledged that these studies were already 
undertaken through Project GABRIEL, RAND nevertheless recommended additional 
“urgent” and secretive studies including soil, food, and water monitoring systems, as well 
as biological and cancer studies regarding ingested and inhaled radioactive materials 
(RAND: 8). 



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RAND recommended that the secret “pilot study”, evolve into a full-scale secret 
investigation. Project GABRIEL was already deeply involved in multiple Sr90 studies 
not just domestically, but internationally, however, and military studies that are now 
declassified reveal the vast scope of studies that were underway prior to the 1953 RAND 
perfunctory recommendation. RAND recommended that the scope of studies include 
water (drinking, rain, and surface), livestock, milk, baby teeth, soil, human biological 
effects, atmospheric studies, and they stressed that “whole human skeletons” were 
“essential” to the studies (RAND: 53). Indeed, every recommendation (from types of 
tests to methods of sampling) that RAND made in their 1953 Project SUNSHINE report, 
was already long underway. The RAND report only reaffirmed, albeit a bit less 
secretively, the earlier top-secret studies already underway during Project GABRIEL. 

The RAND report appears to be a retroactively issued report, as does the now-available 
Project GABRIEL report. The GABRIEL report was “issued” by AEG in 1954, one year 
AFTER the RAND report, which notes that, the former GABRIEL report had been 
destroyed and was no longer available (RAND, 1953). Yet rather mysteriously, a 
GABRIEL report became available one year later. 

RAND officials reported problems related to sampling and analysis of radioactive 
materials, particularly Sr90, and they discussed available options. They noted that SRI 
and the New York Division of the AEC (NYOO) were developing a process to measure 
radioactive Sr90 in airborne material and, “it appears that the electrostatic precipitation 
process, being extremely efficient for the collection of very small-diameter particles, will 



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be adequate for the task” (RAND: 48). RAND’s Project SUNSHINE report of 1953 75 
discussed at length the variety of test sampling methods and equipment for Sr90 tests. 
Geiger counters were the most effective sampling instrument, and a modified Geiger 
counter could also be constructed in the laboratory, but the shield should be made of steel 
and “would require special construction” to accommodate the Sr-90 aerosol spray 
(RAND: 66). It is notable that the same year that RAND was recommending a custom 
steel casing for strontium-90 aerosol studies, the St. Louis aerosol study was underway, 
that two specific companies seemingly related to the effort— Monsanto and Granite City 
Steel, were some of the few officials notified of the St. Louis aerosol project. 

Earlier, in February 1944, an official from Monsanto’s Mound City “Central Research 
Department” had written a letter to Colonel John R. Ruhoff in New York. Ruhoff was 
the fonner director of research at Mallinckrodt Chemical Works in St. Louis, and a 
ranking officer in the Manhattan Project at Oak Ridge in its earliest days. He later moved 
to NYOO, where he was in charge of basic materials related to uranium production. 

Under his supervision, the NYOO tested the bulk of food, vegetation, soil, and even 
human bone samples for Sr-90 during Project GABRIEL (AEC, 1954: 29). The letter, 
from W.C Fernelius at Mound City, asks that Colonel Ruhoff surreptitiously obtain for 
Monsanto, “materials” from the Bartol Research Foundation in Pennsylvania, (aka the 
Franklin Institute) in order for Monsanto to remain anonymous. Fernelius states, 
“Inasmuch as any inquiry directly to the Foundation would of necessity reveal a good 
deal about the nature of the things we are doing here, we believe that such inquiry had 

75 RAND acknowledges on the title page and introduction page that this 1953 report had been prepared specifically for 
public use, and all classified information had been deleted from the paper. 



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best come through your office” (Femelius, 1944). Perhaps more interestingly however, is 
the equipment that Monsanto was attempting to obtain. “We would like to secure 4 
Geiger counters with thin glass windows for counting soft beat rays and 2 Geiger 
counters of usual design and thickness. . .for beta and gamma rays” (Femelius, 1944). In 
an echo of the later RAND report related to instruments required for Sr-90 aerosol tests, 
Femelius asks, “what is the possibility of making glass sealed counters with very thin 
windows for alpha particles-either making them at the Foundation or giving us directions 
for constmction here?” (Femelius, 1944). Monsanto was attempting to secure Geiger 
counters of a specific design, to determine nuclear signatures. 

Indeed, Monsanto’s Oak Ridge was long a partner in Project SUNSHINE when RAND 
noted that Oak Ridge’s labs conducted “tests on various filters” to measure atmospheric 
strontium-90 (RAND: 58). Project SUNSHINE’S worldwide data collection activities 
were to operate in a cloak of secrecy, particularly in relation to collecting foreign 
samples. According to a Presidential Advisory Committee, the AEC undertook a plan of 
deception “which involved the personal and professional contacts of researchers, and the 
use of an elaborate cover story”, to obtain samples from India, through the Rockefeller 
Foundation (Advisory Committee: 2). The cover story was concocted as follows: 

The stated purpose of the collection is to be for a survey of the natural 
Ra [radium] burden of human bones. . .there are still enough uncertainties 
regarding threshold dose for injury. . .to provide a plausible explanation for 
further surveys. . .As for the emphasis on infants, we can say that such samples 
are easy to obtain here, and that we would like to keep our foreign collections 
comparable (Advisory Committee: 3). 



133 




Libby noted in a 1956 study that since 1953, human bones had been analyzed for 
strontium-90 content, and the bones were from across the nation including 
Massachusetts, Ohio, Maine, California, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Louisiana, 
Chicago, and from other countries such as Brazil, Chile and England (Libby, 1956). The 
rationalization offered to justify the need for “samples” was that the researchers were 
conducting studies related to radium exposure. The cover story was partially true. 
Radium, a naturally occurring substance, would not raise the same scrutiny than would a 
study involving plutonium or strontium-90 in human bodies. Thus, embedded beneath a 
seemingly legitimate request for a radium study, was a concurrent top-secret AEC study 
for radioactive strontium. In a letter from one researcher to another at the AEC Rochester 
office, Robert A. Dudley of the Biophysics Branch of the AEC Division of Biology and 
Medicine, told his colleague, “we actually are providing for the measurement of Ra as 
well as Sr-90 in many or all of the samples, so that the Ra story is merely incomplete, not 
false” (Advisory Committee: 4). In addition, “mobile teams” were often used to collect 
samples (AEC: 2), and that method of sampling was discreet, as their presence was 
limited and would not draw attention to the various activities. 

Thus, the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition involved in the human subject studies through 
Projects GABRIEL and SUNSHINE, layered studies while publicly admitting to one, 
while keeping the parallel, concurrent study classified. Similarly, in 1994, the 
Department of Energy released “stacks of documents” that revealed “95 previously 
hidden nuclear bomb detonations” at a Nevada test site; “the blasts went undetected 
because they were set off simultaneously with reported tests” (M.D. Anderson, 1994: 



134 




Al). Military officials thus embedded secret nuclear radiation tests, within less 
innocuous tests that were publicly known, in a lie by omission. A pattern of deception by 
omission regarding embedded studies not revealed to the public, becomes apparent here. 
Likewise, a 1954 memorandum from the Chief of the Armed Forces Special Weapons 
Project (a leadership group to the “fallout network”) revealed a cover story for the animal 
studies related to Project SUNSHINE: 

The actual data obtained are SECRET and the sample collection should 
be discreetly handled. It is suggested that a statement be included in the 
instructions to the effect that these samples are being collected for 
nutritional studies (Advisory Committee: 5). 

In 1995, President Clinton’s Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments, 

analyzed official Project SUNSHINE documents that had been recently declassified. One 

document originally stamped “Secret” was particularly revealing. The report stated that 

“considerable thought had been devoted to best ways to establish channels to procure 

‘human samples’, and the impact of secrecy on the effort. . .Willard Libby explained the 

great value of ‘body snatching’ and noted that the AEC had even employed an ‘expensive 

law firm’ to Took up the law of body snatching’” (Advisory Committee Staff, 1995: 1). 

Dr. Libby lamented the difficulty of obtaining human bodies legally, but stated in a 1955 

conference that Project SUNSHINE was the agency’s top priority. He stated: 



By far the most important [gap] is human samples. We have been reduced 
to essentially zero level on the human samples. I don’t know how to get them 
but I do say that it is a matter of prime importance to get them and particularly 
in the young age group. . .we were fortunate, as you know to obtain a large 
number of stillborns as material. This supply, however, has now been cut off 
also, and shows no signs, I think of being rejuvenated. (Advisory Committee 
Staff, 1995: 2). 



135 




Libby further urged the group of the importance of Project SUNSHINE: “so human 
samples are of prime importance and if anybody knows how to do a good job of body 
snatching, they will really be serving their country” (Advisory Committee Staff, 1995: 2). 
Dr. J. Laurence Kulp, a Columbia University geo-chemist, and Willard Libby’s protege, 
was present at the meeting, and Kulp updated them regarding the acquisition of human 
bodies for testing. 



We have the channels in these places where we are getting everything. We 
Have three or four other leads where we could get complete age range 
samples from different other geographic localities. These three are 
Vancouver, Houston, and New York. We could easily get them from 
Puerto Rico and other places. We can get virtually everyone that dies in 
this age range. . .the channels are there and the samples are flowing in 
(Advisory Committee Staff: 3). 

By this time, the expanded Manhattan satellite program that coordinated nuclear weapons 
health effects on humans, had nearly burst at the seams. Money seemed to be flowing 
everywhere: 



By 1955 the program was receiving 8,000 applications a year, including 
hundreds from abroad. . .there were now 100 companies in the radiation 
instrument business, two dozen suppliers of commercially labeled compounds, 
phannaceutical companies, hundreds of isotope specialists, a half-dozen waste 
disposal firms, and ten safety monitoring companies. Also, 2,693 U.S. 
institutions had received isotope authorization, including 1,126 industrial firms, 
1,019 hospitals and private physicians, 220 colleges and universities, 244 
federal and state laboratories, and 47 foundations (DOE Openness). 



Despite the incredibly vast network that had been arranged with astounding speed, the 
AEC tissue-sampling program operated through a network of personal and professional 
informal contacts in order to maintain top secrecy. Even the closest of contacts — relatives 
and friends- were not apprised of the purpose of the secret program. Some principle 



136 




researchers did not even know the true purposes of their own studies. Most disturbingly, 
areas of poverty were targeted for body snatching, according to J. Laurence Kulp, who 
was an insider: 



Down in Houston they don’t have all these rules. They claim that they can get 
virtually and they intend to get virtually every death in the age range we are 
interested in that occurs in the City of Houston. They have a lot of poverty cases 
and so on. . . (Advisory Committee Staff: 3). 



Libby called the project, “a delicate problem in public relations”, particularly given his 
pointed interest in infant remains, but some researchers argued that the networks of 
friends and families, who were professionals in their field, would trust that the request 
was for legitimate, albeit secret military purposes, and would therefore comply without 
asking many questions. Others argued for the need to adjust the description of the 
project, such as calling the study a “trace elements program as we have discussed” to deal 
with the “public relations problem” (Advisory Committee Staff: 5). Thus, by renaming 
what was called behind the scenes “body snatching”, to a “tracer study”, they would 
avoid scrutiny and suspicion. The public would continue to be in the dark, as planned. 
Coincidentally or not, the St. Louis tests were often referred to externally as “a tracer 
study”. 76 By describing atmospheric or aerosol studies over populated areas as tracer 
studies, they would avoid requirements related to infonned consent and other restrictions 
that protect those individuals involved in human health studies. 



See Leighton, P., W. Perkins, S. Grinnell and F. Webster (1965). The fluorescent particle atmospheric tracer. 
Journal of Applied Meteorology, 4: 334-48; Pooler, Francis. (1966). A Tracer Study of Dispersion Over a City. 
Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association, 16: 677-81; McElroy, James L. (1996, August). Diffusion from 
Low-Level Urban Sources: Reexamination using Recently Available Experimental Data. Journal of the American 
Meteorological Society, 36: 1027; Johnson, Warren B. (1983, January). Meteorological Tracer Techniques for 
Parameterizing Atmospheric Dispersion. Journal of the American Meteorological Society, 22: 931- 46; Venkatram, 
Jing Yuan, Tao Zhan and David Pankratz; Proceedings of the 10 th International Conference on Harmonisation within 
Atmospheric Dispersion Modelling for Regulatory Purposes. 



137 




According to investigative reporter Eileen Welsome “between 1959 and 1985 the body 
parts of 1,712 human beings, including nearly a dozen whole cadavers, were shipped to 
Los Alamos and analyzed for their plutonium content” (Wellsome: 3 12). Body parts 
were solicited from around the world, and analyses of men, women, children, and infants’ 
remains “helped scientists estimate how much plutonium the American people were 
accumulating from the bomb tests” (Wellsome: 3 12). But other news sources contradict 
that amount, and argue that approximately “6,000 bodies were taken from hospitals in 
Australia, Britain, Canada, Hong Kong, the United States, and South America over 15 
years without the permission of parents” (Reuters, 2001 : A04). A study released in 2001 
by the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency notes that “the bones 
of infants who died at a few weeks of age, as well as the bones of children 5 to 19 years 
old and adults up to 39 years, were cremated and sent overseas to be tested for strontium 
90” (Perry, M., 2001). The head of the Australian agency claimed in 2001, that the tests 
were not secret “and was on the public record in scientific and government documents” 
(Perry, 2001). Another source claimed that the Australian “federal government has 
received expert advice on how to tell more than 21,000 people- including 3,078 in South 
Australia- that bones from their children or adult relatives were burned to ash” in relation 
to Project SUNSHINE (James, 2002: 2). To the Australian official’s charge that the 
project was made public, the project itself was deemed top secret by officials, a few 
obscure scientific journals reported highly-edited “for the public” infonnation, but the 
source(s) of the deceased bodies (if they were even discussed) were kept secret. Indeed, 
the few government documents about Project SUNSHINE were highly classified 



138 




(Advisory Committee Staff: 1). Few insiders even knew the purpose of the project or 
that it was connected to the US military’s own secret chemical, biological, and radiation 
tests on unsuspecting Americans, and those defense agencies wanted to covertly measure 
the effects in the environment, and in humans-alive or dead. In fact, one presidential 
panel “uncovered records of more than 4,000 secret tests” (Perlman, Al). A GAO report 
also noted that, “between 1940 and 1974, experiments were performed on at least half a 
million individuals, including 210,000 people exposed to radiation” (Anny Exposed: 

13 A). Historian Leonard Cole however, estimates that “tens of millions of Americans 
may have inhaled the army’s test agents” (Cole, L., 1994: 5). 

Despite the wide range of activity related to exposure studies in developing chemical and 
biological weapons, and the “feverish pace of weapons testing”, particularly nuclear 
weapons, the first open-literature paper did not appear until 1957 (Willis, J: 9). As the 
newly coined concept of “radioactive fallout” trickled out into government reports and 
scientific journals, Congress began discussing radioactive fallout in the atmosphere. In 
June, 1957, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) proposed a study whereby children’s 
milk teeth would be collected to measure Strontium-90. The idea had actually been 
proposed as part of their all-encompassing Project SUNSHINE recommendation in 1953. 
Atomic Energy Commissioner Libby supported the project, but was again concerned 
about the public finding out the reason behind the study. According to Libby, 

. . .1 would not encourage publicity in connection with the program. We have 
found that in collecting human samples publicity is not particularly helpful. 

We could get the teeth by having investigators make their own collections. 

The samples need not be too large. Dentists would help. (Advisory 
Committee Staff: 6). 



139 




The St. Louis aerosol study of 1953 was part of an organized network of assigned tasks 
and divisions working through the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, the massive spin-off 
network that came from the Manhattan Project. In 1953, a select group of St. Louis city 
residents were sprayed with an unknown agent, perhaps ZnCdS, or more likely, a 
radioactive ZnCdS. There are at least twenty radioactive isotopes of cadmium, and eight 
radioactive isotopes of zinc; radioisotope Zn65 was in fact, used in biological tracer 
studies. Officials and scientists involved in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition had 
plentiful access to at least radiozinc; by 1939, radioactive isotopes of zinc had been 
isolated at University of Califomia-Berkeley and Harvard University (Livingood, J. and 
G. Seaborg: 457). By 1961, General Electric was extracting a high-yield radioactive 
zinc from reactor cooling water at the Hanford atomic facility (Silker: 233). 



BABY TOOTH STUDY 

What methodology was used besides mechanical means, to potentially measure radiation 
exposure in the population of St. Louis? Although some baby “milk teeth” had already 
been tested under Project GABRIEL, the baby tooth study under the banner of Project 
SUNSHINE was officially launched in 1953 the same year as the earliest aerosol study in 
St. Louis. The project would hone in specifically, on St. Louis, Missouri. 

In 2009, researchers discovered 85,000 baby teeth in cardboard boxes in a dusty 
ammunition bu nk er in St. Louis. According to one report “each was in its own manila 
envelope, with an index card identifying the donor. These 85,000 baby teeth were 



140 




collected in the late 1950s and early 1960s to study the effects of radioactive fallout in the 
environment” ("85,000 Radioactive Baby Teeth": IN01). More than 300,000 children 
sent their teeth to the Greater St. Louis Tooth Survey where Washington University and 
St. Louis University researchers “analyzed most of the teeth for strontium-90” (McGuire: 
2009). Children in turn, received a button that proclaimed, “I Gave My Tooth to 
Science”. “The study concluded that St. Louis children born in 1964 had about 50 times 
more strontium-90 in their baby teeth than those bom in 1950, before the start of atomic 
testing” (McGuire: 2009). The baby tooth study that targeted St. Louis was one of many 
studies coordinated by the network of coalition members that made up the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition, but because it measured radioactivity in babies at the same time that 
a secret aerosol study was undertaken in St. Louis, the alignment of test/health study 
indicates a troubling possibility, that the tests were measuring “fallout” from the St. Louis 
study. 

The 1953 RAND study that officially introduced the launch of Project SUNSHINE, 
incorporated a number of recommendations for studies that were already in place through 
Project GABRIEL. RAND officials discuss SR-90 “incasement [sic] in glass beads” 
(RAND, 1953: 56). Whether a byproduct of nuclear weapons testing, or laboratory- 
induced encasement, it is clear that there were plans to drop radioactive glass beads in 
urban areas, where bones would be later collected to confinn exposure. 77 A 1977 
Department of the Anny report on the U.S. biological warfare program, listed locations 
where “simulant/agents” were used in military-related tests throughout the U.S. 



77 



Recall that all other recommendations that appear in the RAND study were already underway. 



141 





Although the list is hardly complete, military officials confirm that “glass beads”, along 
with “fluorescent tagged cork” were dropped in Victoria, Texas in the summer of 1966, 
as well as in East Central Texas in 1967 (U.S. Anny, 1977: 133). In fact, “the Anny 
dropped 22 tons of tiny glass beads and fluorescent-treated cork particles over a 4,800- 
square-mile area of Texas in 1966 in simulated chemical and biological warfare, 
according to Anny documents made public in 1981” ("Chemical Warfare Tests", 1981: 

A 18). An “Air Force Transport plane dropped the beads and cork particles from altitudes 
of 6,500 to 9,800 feet”, whereby crews “collected” them ("Chemical Warfare Tests", 
1981: A 1 8). Because Dugway Proving Ground had secretly dropped radioactive pellets 
in the air by airplane in the 1950s (Davidson, 1994), there is some indication that the cork 
and bead drop, also tested a radioactive substance, per the RAND recommendation. 
Dugway had conducted their tests with cork and beads, and other radioactive dust and 
particles secretly, and the studies were not revealed until 1994. 

The foodstuffs test portion of RAND’s Project SUNSHINE recommendations also 
progressed quickly. On December 16, 1954, Major General A. R. Luedecke, United 
States Air Force and Chief of the Anned Forces Special Weapons Project (AFSWP), sent 
a letter, marked “secret” to the Surgeon General, Department of the Air Force. The 
Anned Forces Special Weapons Project's responsibility was to also study human effects 
of radiation exposure. Fuedecke’s letter instructed Anny veterinary personnel in St. 

Fouis to collect, ship, and analyze samples for radiation exposure, noting that "data from 
studies of these samples is classified SECRET" (Fuedecke: 2). The chief of AFSWP 
added that "the samples collected from the local slaughterhouses should consist of one 



142 




complete thyroid and one rib", and that milk samples should also be taken for sampling, 
which were to be shipped to Oak Ridge, Tennessee, at intervals between January and 
June, 1955. Clearly, the secret memorandum reveals that the Anny did in fact direct 
personnel to complete a radiation "fall-out study" in animals from the St. Louis region 
that year. 

HEMPELMANN AND THE ST. LOUIS AEROSOL STUDY 

Louis Hempelmann had strong personal and professional ties to St. Louis, and was back 

at Washington University in St. Louis for two years prior to the 1953 aerosol study, 

before pennanently leaving for Rochester. In 1945, before moving back to St. Louis, 

Hempelmann wrote to his boss, J. Robert Oppenheimer stating, “the very important and 

difficult problem of detection of alpha active material in the lungs has been studied only 

at this project and here only on a very limited scale. This problem should be given much 

higher priority here and at other projects” (Hempelmann, as cited by ACHRE: 164; sic 

declassification date not provided). Indeed, Hempelmann pushed for radioactive 

inhalation studies, and continued to do so in 1951 when he again discussed airborne 

radiation studies with his Rochester colleagues, arguing that radioactive aerial studies had 

incomplete risk assessments. He insisted to colleagues that specific particulate sizes were 

necessary for an accurate study. Hempelmann stated, 

One point makes me unhappy. . .all the discussion of particle size indicated 
that we had absolutely no idea whether breathing these things in was serious 
or not. I think we should at least have some philosophy or basis for saying 
that we think people twenty miles downwind would be safe (Welsome: 258-59). 

Welsome points out that Hempelmann would not let the issue go, even the following day, 

but his argument was eventually shut down by Shields Warren. Perhaps Hempelmann’ s 



143 




concern was related to the tests that would soon occur in his hometown of St. Louis. 



144 




PREFACE TO CHAPTER FIVE 



The following chapter outlines bureaucracies, and elements of insular localized groups, 
which can create a moral myopia, internal group pressure for participation, and the 
harnessing of individual autonomy, to carry out activities that may result in harm. The 
emergence of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition ushered in a newly hybridized 
organization, whereby the scientific community partnered with military elites and 
industry, to create a goal-oriented, militarized, clandestine community. Elements from 
all three subgroups were apparent in the new hybrid, however the military (sometimes 
directly and other times through the Atomic Energy Commission) presided over and 
directed all of the group’s covert activities. Insiders of this new organizational model 
were not immune to the pressures of confonnity. The various motivations for the 
individuals involved indicate that the membership was made up of men who were willing 
participants; indeed, they also benefitted personally and professional from their efforts, 
which included secretive human subject testing. Many, except the core members of the 
group, did not have awareness of the full scope of and social effects from the project; 
indeed, their tasks- however sordid they were- were in fact, compartmentalized at the 
directive of the head of the Manhattan Project, General Groves, in an effort to advance 
uninterrupted, the goals set by military elites. 



145 




CHAPTER V 



A NEW HYBRID MILITARY ORGANIZATION 



z 



BURE ACRACIE S & MORALITY 

Max Weber described in his treatise Economy and Society, the distinct characteristics of 
the modern bureaucracy. The modern bureaucracy can be equated to a machine, and the 
individual bureaucrat the “single cog in an ever-moving mechanism which prescribes to 
him an essentially fixed route of march” (Weber, as cited in Gerth & Mills, 228). Weber 
outlined how the characteristics of a modem bureaucracy encompassed rationalization as 
the basis for bureaucratic domination, which can conflict with democracy (Weber: 977; 
985). 



When fully developed, bureaucracy. . .is welcomed by capitalism, develops the 
more perfectly the more the bureaucracy is ‘dehumanized’, the more completely 
it succeeds in eliminating from official business love, hatred, and all purely 
personal, irrationally, and emotion elements which escape calculation. This is 
the specific nature of bureaucracy and it is appraised as its special virtue 
(Weber, as cited in Gerth, et ah, 215-16). 

Jurgen Habermas extended Weber’s work to add an element of technological domination 
as a function of the modern bureaucracy. This newly technocratic model aggressively 
seeks increasing rationality, while whispering that technical progress is a natural 
phenomenon. Like Weber, Habermas pointedly reasons that rationality in course of 
action accompanies irrationality regarding values, goals and needs (Habermas, 63). In 
addition, such elements lead to increased technological and political domination 



146 




(Habermas, 82-83). Thus, the modern bureaucracy according to some, is rife not just for 
internal dysfunction, but also extends its reach towards external domination and control— 
not strictly domestic control, but also global control through imperialism, etc. These 
characteristics not only allow, but encourage and reward, systematic failures related to 
moral responses to its actions. Indeed, the “flaw” is intentionally exploited within the 
organizational structure, and a moral response may be considered a failure within a model 
bureaucratic organization. 

THE BUREAUCRATIC MODEL: FOSTERING ETHICS OR DEVIANCE? 

In a modern society, organizations, like citizens, must adhere to laws. Legal constraints 
differ from ethical constraints, however and the criterion for ethical lapse is less than that 
of legal violation. A focus on legal obligations within an organization may result in a 
distinct loss of focus on, or the jettisoning of ethical obligations. “In the corporate era, 
economic relations become impersonal-and the executive feels less personal 
responsibility. Within the corporate worlds of business, war-making and politics, the 
private conscience is attenuated-and the higher immorality is institutionalized” (Mills, 
1956: 343). In other words, diffusion of responsibility and a multi-directional finger- 
pointing blame game is built into the system of bureaucracies and organizations; this may 
be in part, by design. Adams and Balfour suggest that, “within a culture of technical 
rationality, a model of professionalism that drives out ethics and moral reasoning offers 
all to fertile soil for administrative evil to emerge” (Adams & Balfour: 2009: 38). Thus, 
prescribed ethical behavior in the context of scientific rationality, becomes mere window- 
dressing (Adams & Balfour, 2004: 35). In other words, there is a semblance of ethics 



147 




that those inside an organization may rationalize as genuine. Other factors related to 
organizations can prompt ethical or legal failures. For example, “the sprawling character 
of the American health care system. . .whether in organ transplants or intensive care units, 
[also] allows a great number of actors to share in decisions without assigning clear 
responsibility to any particular actor (Zussman citing Fox & Swazey, 1997: 182). Thus, 
the inherent quality of working together in a work team can create a diffusion of 
responsibility. In the Manhattan-Rochester coalition, teamwork was an essential 
component of goal-oriented classified research (Sutton: 205). There too, diffusion of 
responsibility was an element that contributed to a lack of personal and professional 
accountability for a collective action. 

A diffusion of responsibility allowed avoidance of stigmatization and other negative 
sanctions to those who engaged in reprehensible actions during Nazi Germany. Indeed, 

“it has long been recognized that the Nazis used bureaucratic organizations to help 
implement the mass production of death. In many ways the concentrations camps were 
run like modern factories” (Katz, F. 1993: 135). The ‘euthanasia’ program allowed the 
Reich, assisted by scientists, chemists, and doctors, to perfect methods of efficient killing 
while murdering those found unworthy of living” (Geidennan, J.M., 2002: 228). 
Rationality, efficiency, even a bureaucracy of killing occurred not just at extermination 
camps, but at esteemed hospitals and medical facilities, where “medical personnel were at 
the heart of the operation” (Geidennan, 2002: 228). Human subjects research was also 
carried out at major universities and hospitals throughout Gennany, and likewise, 
“Gennany’s most important universities were also quite willing to accept anatomic 



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material taken from victims” (Geidennan, citing Seidelman, WE: 229). Indeed, many 
respected professionals played a critical role in state-sponsored genocide during Hitler’s 
reign. After the war, many Gennan physicians who were directly responsible for the 
killing of Jews during the Holocaust, were acquitted or were “restored to positions of 
prominence and respect” in the community, but according to Seidelman, others were so 
effective in their work within the bureaucratized mass murder scheme, that they were 
“recruited to provide their expertise to pharmaceutical companies as well as to the U.S. 
government” (Geidennan: 230). Indeed, many scientists were moved to protected 
academic posts in the United States under Project PAPERCLIP, after World War II. 

According to Jurgen Habermas, the rationality of bureaucracies can also create a moral 
myopia. “Rationality in the choice of means accompanies avowed irrationality in 
orientation to values, goals, and needs” (Habermas, 1970: 63). The very structure of the 
modem rationalized bureaucracy creates an institutionalized platform for diffusion of 
responsibility, denial of responsibility, moral myopia, and ethical autism. For example, 
citing Robinson and Darley (2004), James Lager notes that deterrence is ineffective, “in 
organizational cultures where an individual might be ‘caught up in. . .social pressures of 
the group’ which is likely to occur frequently in organizations since group based loyalty 
can supersede loyalty to society” (Lager, 2010: 217). Rather than deterrence, Lager cites 
internal controls and monitoring that increase individuals’ perceptions that they are more 
likely to get caught, as the method most likely to reduce ethical misconduct in 
organizations. Rational, bureaucratic models, which stress organizational efficiency and 
high performance to the point where executives’ compensations are tied to the company’s 
perfonnance, can without strong internal controls, encourage fraud and dishonesty. 



149 




Nevertheless, organizations often focus on (often minimal) compliance with law, rather 
than ethics per se, and this can quickly devolve into methods to skirt existing law. 
“Unethical but compliant leaders can behave similarly, but rather than attend required 
training, they instead engage attorneys, accountants, and other experts [to] find ways 
around ethics, tax, and other laws to meet their objectives” (Lager, 2010: 218). In other 
words, access to experts that work in and on behalf of the organization, allow leaders to 
engage in unethical behaviors that skirt the very edge of the law, and perhaps violate the 
outside majority’s view of acceptable ethical boundaries. In a political/military 
organization, access to experts is just one door or a phone call away. Indeed, military 
tribunals are full of lawyers parked at the defense table, who will swiftly argue “just 
following orders”, “he may be a cad, but he is no murderer”, or finally, “it may not have 
been ethical, but it was legal”. 



Social pressures from inside the organization can be seen in other ways with far more 
dramatic, negative outcomes. Fred Emil Katz argues that autonomy can be harnessed to 
contribute to not just crime, but also genocide, as took place in Nazi Germany: 



First, it was made possible by autonomy. Auschwitz officials were not mere 
robots. They did not carry out orders precisely as directed. They added to 
the orders. They detracted from the orders. They went around orders. They 
interpreted. They invented. To be able to do these things they, like other 
bureaucrats, used their own autonomy. They used it not only to invent evil 
deeds, but to invent justifications for evil deeds with which they, individually, 
could live. In their minds they constructed an appropriate reality (Katz, 1993: 

95). 

Bureaucracies can thus, harness positively-defined human attributes to carry out the most 

evil of deeds, while convincing those engaged in the activity that they were making a 



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valuable or great moral contribution to the group or society, perhaps even at great 
sacrifice to themselves. In this closed community, with its own set of “locally-generated 
standards of morality, loyalty, and decency”, a personal obligation to the group and its 
mission prevails, even regarding obligations that are repugnant and wholly deviant to 
larger society (Katz, 2009: 38). 

Carrying out this obligation underscored one’s good standing in this community- 
as a good soldier, who can be counted on to do his share of the task. It also added 
to one’s stature. Precisely because it was onerous, one was making a noble 
contribution, demonstrating moral virility. It was but a short step to 
demonstrating zeal in the fine art of killing (Katz, 2009: 39). 

The powerful influence of the localized group (particularly when partnered with a distinct 

separation from larger society, as we saw in the clandestine coalition that was the 

Manhattan-Rochester Coalition), prompts members to favor the group’s mission, norms, 

and expectations, even if that means rejecting the morals and ethics shared by most of 

society (and perhaps shared by the organizational members prior to entering the group). 

These “closed worlds” as Katz refers to them, escalate their own uniqueness and thus 

contribute to their increasing estrangement from their surrounding world, where 

“eventually alienated responses from that world will accumulate” (Katz, 2009: 42-43). 

This does not however, according to Fred Emil Katz, negate a person’s culpability. 

When one does not recognize or see their own autonomy in any given situation, “this 

blindness can serve as a mechanism for obscuring, even to oneself, one’s contributions to 

horrendous deeds” (Katz, 2004: 105). 

We see the escalation of uniqueness that Katz describes, also reflected in Daniel 
Ellsberg’s analysis, whereby he described his loss of respect for outsiders who were 



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misled or deceived by those inside the inner circle (Ellsberg, 44). There is no doubt that 

the men inside the unique circle of power called the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, 

believed that their group was unique and part of a special mission for “mankind”. 

Likewise, Edwin Sutherland’s differential association theory asserts that behavior 

(including criminal behavior) is learned in association with those who define such 

behaviors favorably, and in isolation from those who define it unfavorably (Sutherland, 

240). An isolated, insular organization can become distinct and separate from larger 

society, incorporating its own norms and moral code, which those involved are expected 

to follow, using paradoxically, their own autonomy. During the same decade whereby 

the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition first became active, Sutherland explained the 

dynamics surrounding corporate crime that prove relevant here. 

In their confidential relations businessmen speak with pride of their 
violations of law, and regard the enactment of the law rather than the violation 
as reprehensible. Their consciences do not ordinarily bother them, for they 
have the support of their associates in the violation of the law. The feeling of 
shame at their business practices is probably found more frequently among 
younger businessmen who have not thoroughly assimilated the culture and 
rationalizations of business (Sutherland, 232). 

Sutherland makes an interesting side point about the role of age in criminal activity and 

group dynamics, as many of the scientists brought into the fold of the Manhattan- 

Rochester Coalition were young men with newly-minted Ph.D.s. However, they quickly 

learned from their older colleagues such as Robert Stone, how to navigate this exclusive 

new world outside the academy. 



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TEAMWORK AND SANCTIONS FOR NON-COMPLIANCE 



Professional organizations can mask hostile internal group pressure to conform to 
organizational goals. Diamond and Adams note that, “oppressive organizational cultures 
are institutions of dominance and submission, even though the rhetorical patina may be 
characterized by pronouncements of teamwork or ethical action” (Diamond, M. and G. 
Adams, 1999: 254). This type of organizational culture is “often characterized by top- 
down retribution, intimidation, and punishment” (Diamond, et ah, 254). Diamond’s 
description of an oppressive organizational culture is also accurately descriptive of the 
military structure, which is hierarchical and dualistic. Like the culture which is fostered 
in the military, Volkan describes how a typical organization can become divided 
internally into “a culture of enemies and allies” (Volkan, 1988, cited by Diamond, et ah, 
255). Such a dualism of enemies versus allies or “us versus them” is also both explicitly 
stated and reinforced on a daily basis inside the military organization. In a typical 
organization dualism is dysfunctional, and prompts dehumanization, abuse, disrespect. It 
can also “justify an attack” within the organization, even under a patina of ethics and 
teamwork (Diamond, et ah, 255). According to the military model, the fundamental 
underpinning of effective training requiring acceptance of obedience, hierarchy, coercion, 
dualistic thinking, dehumanization, and attack, conflicts with a code that reinforces 
ethical actions, as defined by those outside the institution. In fact, according to this 
model, these are not -in regards to military culture-, ethical lapses, but are rather part of 
the model traits in a “successful” modem military. 



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A NEW HYBRIDIZED ORGANIZATION 



The 1940s and 1950s realized an “increasing dependence of a new class of intellectuals 
and academics on the government” as the universities became militarized during World 
War II (Barnet: 304). As a result of earlier military efforts, the U.S. saw a merge 
between private industry and powerful military leadership, creating a “military-industrial 
complex”. During World War II, a new entity was brought officially into the fold-one 
that heretofore, had been reluctant to breeching the final lines in the sand that divided the 
entities. The U.S. government enlisted the help of top scientists in physics and chemistry, 
to permanently halt Hitler and Mussolini, who were advancing on the Allies. 
Government-university relationships changed dramatically during this time, and a 
partnership was created, whereby the most prestigious assignments and recognitions were 
reserved for “responsible” academics. According to Barnet, 

The state helped to set intellectual fashions for thinkers who never had any 
contact with the Department of Defense or the CIA or, for that matter, the 
Communist Party. The mobilization of the university in war led to a 
reassessment of the very purposes of the intellectual effort (Barnet: 305). 

In fact, intellectuals found their roles changing, in mostly abandoning to some degree the 

freedom to select research problems related to science, to a revamped role of one 

“supporting and rationalizing power” (Barnet: 305). There was by all accounts, a sense 

of teamwork, mission, and overall camaraderie in the newly formed Manhattan-Rochester 

Coalition, which combined military, select industry, and elites from the scientific 

community. Each secret spin-off division became an extremely goal-oriented team, as 

was the military model at the time. There was however, room for continued competition 

between the men, to a limited degree inside their closed community. This highly 



154 




specialized, elite group shared elements with military battalions or teams overseas during 
times of war, whereby commitment to group and the group’s goal superseded all, as was 
true when most of the men had worked on the Manhattan Project. The military was a 
barely perceptible underpinning of this vast network, but they were ever present, and 
officers consistently pressed and often aggressively reaffirmed their goals to the scientists 
and industry executives inside the coalition. 

When people become a part of a closed institutionalized setting where the members are 
encouraged to take actions that outsiders would find repugnant or abhorrent, insiders can 
often effectively convince the other group members to engage in all manners of terrible 
acts. The men of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition were highly competitive and very 
successful, but this did not free them from group confonnity, as Milgram and other 
researchers have revealed in a number of studies (Milgram, 1974). Conformity can also 
lead to crimes of obedience, as characterized by Kelman and Hamilton. A crime of 
obedience is an “act performed in response to orders from authority that is considered 
illegal or immoral by the larger community (Kelman, et ah, 46; 5 1). When legitimacy 
and authority are given to destructive authority, automatic, unquestioned crimes of 
obedience may occur. Although acknowledging that people willingly surrender to 
legitimate authority due to commitment and loyalty to the group, Kelman and Hamilton 
fail to see the autonomy that is often available to people in those situations (Kelman, et 
al., 91). Individual autonomy remains, although it is utilized in a number of ways inside 
the organization. Indeed, in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, individual autonomy 



155 




was used to creatively identify potential advanced weapons, and to advance individual 
careers through military/scientific advancement. 

When there is a blurring between the academy and the military — indeed a morph into a 
militarized academy, then participation may require proving ones allegiance to group and 
country, by engaging in activities (in this case research) that may or may not hann others. 
As Milgram and Soloman Asch revealed individual behavior can be influenced by one’s 
group-however temporary- to the degree that one will willingly hann others simply 
because they are asked to do so by an authoritative or influential member of one’s team 
(Milgram 1974; Asch, 195 1). This can help explain how people with no apparent ill- 
intent can engage with others in a collective action that is harmful. In addition, as Katz 
pointed out, individual autonomy is often used quite willingly and creatively by the 
individual, to advance the causes of the group or organization, rather than to challenge 
authority. When this element of individual autonomy is acknowledged, it too, opens up 
the possibility that ordinary people may engage in deviant or criminal acts on behalf of 
their organization or “closed world”. Katz’s theory (which adds to that of Sutherland and 
Milgram) seems to fill the most gaps in explaining historical events where “decent” 
people have readily engaged in (and heartily justified) acts, that years later were wholly 
rejected under moral and ethical grounds by the general public, when the event became 
known. 

Beyond the closed circle of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, state-sponsored weapons 
testing during the Cold War involved a large number of personnel and insiders of varying 



156 




levels of knowledge and skill, and testing extended over five or six decades. Presumably, 
given the decades-long effort, old staff rotated out, and new staff moved into the 
organizational structure at all facilities that were involved in testing. Thus, new internal 
staff had to be “brought into the fold”, and somehow convinced that harmful acts were 
warranted, desirable, and justified. Given the great number of civil servants, scientists, 
and military and medical personnel involved in such a vast military project, would 
indicate that at least some percentage of personnel had no ill intent towards the victims. 
Thus, we must examine motivations that could prompt a wide range of people with 
varying skill sets, varying levels of status or rank, levels of insider knowledge, varying 
personality types, etc., to consistently engage in ethical lapses or purposeful harmful acts 
over an extended length of time, when there is no personal mal-intent involved. Upon 
examination, various motivations crystallize for the different subgroups that comprise the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 



MOTIVATIONS FOR INDUSTRY 

Profit motives for the company 
Power 

Individual profit and status in the community 
Positive public relations in the community 
Elevation of public view of industry 
Perceived national security threat 
Careerism 



MOTIVATIONS FOR THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY 

Dependable sources of funding (particularly during lean economic times) 
Large funding amounts 
Prestige/Status 
Careerism/Job security 



157 




no 

Intellectual stimulation 
Release from teaching loads 
Scientific advancement 
Perceived national security threat 



MOTIVATIONS FOR MILITARY 79 

80 

Culture of obedience 

Dehumanization/Zones of exclusion (an underpinning factor) 

Careeri sm/Prom oti on/R a nk 

Salary 

Group/peer attachment 
Military structure 

Desire to serve country/self-sacrifice 
Prestige 

Avoidance of routine/specialized activity and training 

Defense paradigm 

Perceived national security threat 



Notably, all three groups share some personal or professional motivational triggers that 
may encourage individual participants to engage in human subject testing: 



1) PROFIT/FUNDING/PROMOTION-S ALARY INCREASE: 

In 1957, the New York Times announced that grants totaling $1,500,000 were 
awarded to three universities by the Rockefeller Foundation “to further education 



78 

In 1959, Dr. Shields Warren Professor of Pathology at Harvard University, and insider in the cabal for CBN 
weapons human subject research, advocated for radiation studies on humans. Shields was quoted, “you could study in 
the laboratory a million mice, and it would just be mice. You have to study men”. See New York Times, January 7, 
1959: “Radiation Study in U.S. Proposed”. 

79 

A great number of military personnel have also engaged as both willing and unwilling test subjects. 

80 

One revealing example of obedience informing the actions of military personnel who contributed to the Nazi 
Holocaust, appears in The Nuremberg Interviews, p. 296. When Rudolf Hoess explained why he could not protest to 
orders to kill millions of men, women and children, Hoess responded: “...when Himmler told us something, it was so 
correct and so natural we just blindly obeyed it.” (Goldensohn, Leon. 2004. The Nuremberg Interviews. Vintage 
Books: New York.) See also Hannah Arendt’s Eichman in Jerusalem', pgs. 92 and 247, where Eichman’s last words 
included the claim that “his guilt came from his obedience, and obedience is praised as a virtue”, a virtue that had been 
“abused by Nazi leaders” — thus, Eichman believed that he himself was a victim. It must also be added here that Arendt 
doubts the obedience defense (p. 175). William McNeill also discusses military obedience, which allows for no 
personal responsibility of low-ranking personnel, and freedom from decision-making (see: McNeill, William; The 
Pursuit of Power. ) Also, as the Stanley Milgram study (Y ale University) showed us, some people will engage in 
harmful acts just by being politely asked to do so. 



158 




in health hazards of nuclear radiation” (“1.5 Million”, 1957). 81 The three 
universities included Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and University of Pittsburgh, and 
“each would receive $500,000 over a ten-year period” (“1.5 Million”, 1957). 
Clearly, there is a great financial motive for researchers affiliated with institutions 
to accept grants requiring military-related human subject testing, particularly 
during periods when federal and state funding of educational institutions is 
lacking. This also adds a measure of security for non-faculty personnel at such 
institutions. A study at Lawrence Livermore Laboratories found that weapons 
researchers are somewhat sheltered from the funding process, however, and this 
distance from the process “was significant compensation for working on an 
applied agenda” in defense (Sutton, 214). In addition, Sutton found that 
governmental support in the fonn of advanced technology and equipment, creates 
a concentration of resources that not only attracts excellent personnel, but it 
“clearly expands the parameters of the laboratory’s research capabilities in a 
quantitative sense”; researchers interviewed in Sutton’s study found this to be “a 
particularly attractive feature” (Sutton: 218). 

2) PRESTIGE/STATUS: 

A 1957 New York Times article announcing grants of $1,500,000 to three universities, 
quoted the president of the Rockefeller Foundation; the foundation had recently 
distributed research money to be used for human-subject testing. Foundation President 
Dean Rusk (who had previously worked for the War Department and Department of 



159 




State, and was later to become Secretary of State under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson) 
stated, “highly qualified experts are needed who can bridge the gap between the 
conventional public health area and that of the engineers, physicists and chemists, and 
who can contribute to the direction these developments take in their earlier phases” (“1.5 
Million”, 1957). Rusk appeals to the desire for prestige from potential scientific 
participants, as well as funding needs. In 1962, Senator John Carroll announced that, 

“the federal government had chosen Colorado State University at Fort Collins as the site 
for a $2,500,000 long-range laboratory to study the effects of low-level nuclear radiation” 
(“Radiation Study”, 1962). Not only was money granted to the university, but the 
Senator who made the announcement earned accolades and prestige (along with political 
capital) with his constituents, which equates to political power. Other benefits embedded 
within this announcement are free and positive media coverage for all involved, and an 
enhanced ability for the Senator to gain funding for future political campaigns, and for 
the university to gain future grants and gifts. A researcher that brings in large 
government grants, particularly if they do so regularly, are valued in their institution, and 
often promoted accordingly. This relates to other careerism, as well. Professional 
autonomy also played a role in job satisfaction, whereby researchers were inclined to 
continue their affiliation. For example, radiologist Hymer Friedell who worked as a core 
member of the “Health Division” described his colleagues and the working environment, 
for the researchers involved in human subject testing of radioactive materials such as 
plutonium, uranium, and polonium. 

Dr. Hamilton's interest in patients was rather modest, clinically. He 

82 

~ The purchasing power of $2,500,000 as of 2010 is $18,000,000.00. Source: Measuring Worth; 
http://www.measuringworth.com/ppowerus/result.php. 



160 




was doing research more than anything. But exactly what research he 
was doing, I wasn’t particularly aware of. At that time, it was very interesting. 
There was real freedom, as we extol the virtues of freedom. Everybody did 
anything they wanted to do. There wasn't any real surveillance. The only 
surveillance that I had was from Dr. Stone. If I told him I wanted to do 
something and I outlined it in general, he would say, ‘Go ahead, do it.’ I don’t 
think John Lawrence really had a kind of committee to take a look and see 
whether this was an appropriate approach as far as over here, for example 
(U.S. DOE, 1995b). 

Sutton’s examination of Lawrence Livermore Laboratory found a lack of autonomy at the 
defense lab, but he identified three types of compensation for the loss of freedom to select 
research problems. He noted that satisfaction of the visible group goal; the attraction of 
group collaboration and a resultant reduction of competition (and hence stratification); 
and “scientists’ perceived freedom from the practical constraints of academic research, 
especially personal involvement in fund-raising” (Sutton: 213). Clearly, although Sutton 
found a reduction in traditional notions of autonomy (ie: selection of research topics), 
there was marked autonomy in other areas of their work. Indeed, at Lawrence Livennore 
Lab, “scientists from all areas of the laboratory interpreted autonomy not as an issue of 
what to study, but of how to study a given problem” (Sutton: 214). According to Lred 
Katz however, the autonomy of members in a powerful local universe, is limited. “There 
are zones of behavior in which one may not exercise any autonomy at all. Most notably, 
one is not pennitted to question the sanctity or authority of the leader (Katz, 2009). The 
military arm under General Groves, was often quietly in the background, but always in 
full control of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. If a participant forgot that point of 
order, then military officials were willing to shatter the career of the oppositional party, 
thus, stigmatizing resistant scientists, who were promptly labeled “enemy”, and treated 
accordingly according to the dualistic military model. The military/ AEC used J. Robert 



161 




Oppenheimer as a symbol of their willingness to serve extremely negative formal 
sanctions to the scientists and industrial leaders, for not complying with military goals. 

3) CAREERISM: 

Careerism is defined here as valuing success in career above all else, and seeking 
to advance it by any possible means, including unethical, illegal, or immoral 
actions. Welsome describes the aggressive careerism that took place within the 
insular military-academic war machine, and the scientists’ desire to publish new 
research on nascent, cutting edge technology, at the cost of the patient and 
ironically, the interests of the general public for whom they claimed to be working 
(Welsome: 212). “With the expansion in medical research came a new breed of 
physicians who were interested not in treating patients but in finding cures that 
would benefit mankind. Original research and frequent publication put physicians 
and scientists on the fast track to academic advancement” (Welsome: 211). 
According to Beecher, “every young physician knows that he will never be 
promoted to a tenure post, to a professorship in a major medical school, unless he 
has proved himself as an investigator” (Beecher, 1970: 16). Thus, there was a 
shift from physician to researcher (and thus, patient to subject), whereby the 
objective became original research and proving oneself to colleagues. 

Professional medical ethics were thereby subordinated to scientific ethics, which 
are far less concerned with the well-being of patients. Welsome quotes William 
Silverman, a retired Columbia University physician and researcher in the 1940s to 



83 



Taken in part from the World English Dictionary. 



162 




1960s: “Some of my peers were quite immoral or perhaps amoral. I realize many 
would do anything for scientific advancement” (Welsome: 212). Although 
publication is in itself not a measure of anything unethical, immoral or illegal, it 
does represent a commitment to professional growth, and contribution to the field. 
Sutton notes that at Lawrence Livermore Laboratory, “despite structural obstacles 
to publication, limited interaction, and some degree of alienation from academic 
science, LLL scientists do not display markedly inferior rates of productivity by 
academic standards” (Sutton: 204). This is impressive considering that almost 
half of their reports are of a classified nature, and reflects a high level of 
productivity in the area of publication. 

CASE IN POINT: JOHN RUNDO 

John Rundo Ph.D., D.Sc., was a principal investigator in human subject radiation testing 

in Chicago. In the 1990s, Rundo offered testimony to the U.S. House of Representatives 

regarding human subject radiation testing, and described how some of his work involved 

exhuming the bodies of people who were subjected to plutonium studies in the 1940s at 

MetLab in Chicago. Rundo vehemently defended human subject testing involving 

radiation in his testimony, and he presented as evidence the following: 

. . .by 1973, 1 had more than 70 publications in the open literature. . .by 1974, 

I was promoted to Senior Biophysicist, a title I held until my retirement in 1991; 
by that time I had roughly doubled the amount of publications. In 1980, 1 was 
awarded the degree of D. Sc. (a ‘higher doctorate’, not an honorary degree) by 
the University of London, based on my published work in the field of low-level 
Radioactivity in man. I must emphasize that I am not a physician. . . 

(U.S. House, 1994: 204-06). 

Dr. Rundo mentioned publications at least sixteen times in his testimony, revealing that 
he holds publishing research in some regard. Clearly, Rundo focused his career on 



163 




original research submissions for publication, and this would include follow-up studies 
on victims of plutonium injections (U.S. House, 1994: 204-06). Thus, he aligned his 
personal and professional goals to accommodate that of the military’s goals. Yet 
Rundo’s desire to publish original research in prestigious journals conflicted with the 
extraordinary secrecy of the Manhattan spin-off program. Therefore, Rundo like his 
colleagues, would adjust his goal to accommodate the secrecy in exchange for the unique 
prestige involvement in the program would offer to him and others. The new local moral 
universe was a tightly closed world, but this sealed universe was one that was quite large 
indeed, involving thousands of respected scientists and physicians. This new “local 
moral universe” as defined and outlined by F.E. Katz, became their world in which to 
compete with top scientists, and to share research results and successes (Katz, F.E., 

1993). It also allowed the scientists to explore morbid new horizons not otherwise 
available to them, not unlike soldiers who were likewise “serving their country”. Katz’s 
description of Reserve Battalion 101, German police reservists during World War II who 
engaged in a series of brutal innocents, serves us here: 

They molded into a cohesive moral community; an increasingly Closed World. 
This was achieved through their common training and association with one 
another. . .by their relatively constant membership. . .they formed an enclave of 
their own. . .a new moral community could and did flourish. It developed its 
own local system of community- its system of where each man fits (Katz, 2009: 
38). 

Oak Ridge scientist Karl Morgan once stated that, “weapons scientists worked in a 
closed society where the same ideas were passed from researcher to researchers” 
(Welsome: 211). Sutton notes that Lawrence Livermore Labs is also a closed 
community, where “recognition in the outside community of science is irrelevant to 



164 




success within the organization” (Sutton: 206). Indeed, closed worlds escalate their 
uniqueness and become increasingly estranged from the surrounding world, whereby 
“participants believe they are making a moral contribution to a morally justified cause” 
(Katz, 2009: 27; 42). We see this occur in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition programs. 

4) PERCEIVED NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT: 

Participation in the satellite Manhattan-Rochester Coalition projects, may have 
been based in part on a perceived national security threat, and inflammatory 
rhetoric used by military and political elites. The message and language 
emerged from the military, was echoed by other high-profile political allies. 
According to Mills, motives and actions originate not from within, but from the 
situation in which individuals find themselves (Mills, 1940: 906). In this case, 
the perception of external threat may have motivated people to join the 
organization and maintain membership. Katz discusses how an individual’s 
personal desire to participate in the defeat of an external threat can be a powerful 
motivator to join an effort: 

I believe there is indeed one highly seductive core message, one that 
makes the recruitment process work. It is that a Zarqawi- just as a 
Hitler, or a leader of a cult- identifies the Ultimate, the very greatest 
good and the very greatest evil, and declare that this Ultimate is within 
your own reach. You, personally can make a profound impact on it 
(Katz, 2009: 41). 

In the case of the Manhattan satellite program, there were at least two perceived threats at 
hand. The original impetus to contribute to a Manhattan program was the rise of Hitler’s 
power in Gennany, and the joining of forces with Japan and Italy (presented as a 
dehumanized greatest evil) against the Allies (presented as the greatest good). The 



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second threat was that of the Soviet rise of military power during the Cold War. By 
harnessing “good science”, the greatest evil could be halted, and the greatest good would 
prevail over its enemies. Everyone’s contribution was needed, and there was a moral 
justification for all to sacrifice and contribute, no matter how much it would prevail upon 
their personal convictions. Regarding Reserve Battalion 101, Katz states, “at the heart of 
the tragedy is that the majority of participants came to regard their actions as morally 
justified, at least at the time of their participation” (Katz, 2009: 39). The actions of the 
scientists engaged in human subject testing during and post WWII, posed little difference 
from the soldiers of Battalion 101, in terms of morality or depravity. Both were willingly 
serving their countries against a terrible perceived threat, and both groups were engaging 
in harmful acts under a banner of morality and righteousness. 

It is notable that the Cold War military-sponsored tests described here continued post- 
World War II— beyond the immediate threat of war— in Chicago, by Robert Stone’s 
group... in San Francisco by Joseph Hamilton’s group; and also in Rochester (Welsome: 
123). Indeed, the United States has at least a fifty-year history of radiation experiments 
on humans, which extends long past World War II (U.S. House, 1994: 109). Thus, the 
fear of immediate threat was not the only factor to propel scientists and troops to engage 
in harmful acts under the auspices of national security. Because human subject testing 
continued decades after the conclusion of World War II, immediate threat to a nation is 
not necessarily the impetus behind participation in harmful acts against ones’ fellow 
citizens in the name of defense. The perception of a Cold War threat by the USSR in the 
form of the atom bomb, as painted by a powerful military-industrial complex, was a 



166 




plausible tale, however. Other factors may have also motivated internal participants in 
hannful military-sponsored Cold War experimentation, including fear of treason (U.S. 
House, 1994: 109), institutional loyalty (U.S. House, 1994: 69) and even “administrative 
convenience” (U.S. Senate, 1994: 53). 

CROSS-OVER AND THE REVOLVING DOOR 

Many of the scientists who fell within the most intimate ring of secrecy inside the 
clandestine Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, were associated with more than one of the 
groups discussed here. For example, Dr. Shields Warren was a member of the Naval 
Reserves, but also affiliated with Harvard University, where he engaged in military- 
sponsored human-subject research. Warren was also director of the Atomic Energy 
Commission’s biomedical programs, and in that role, he made “regular loops to the 
Manhattan Project’s laboratories at Los Alamos, Chicago, Berkeley, and its monolithic 
uranium and plutonium-producing factories in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and eastern 
Washington State” (Welsome: 197-209; 201). In 1947, Shields and his colleague Joseph 
Hamilton (Berkeley) began “discussing ‘isotope injection’ when Hamilton made an 
oblique reference to the ‘utilization of plutonium’. Hamilton described for his friend, 
“details of. . . three plutonium injection cases in California” that Hamilton had conducted 
(Welsome: 202-03). Shields Warren claimed that he later learned that “additional 
patients had been injected with plutonium by his colleagues in Rochester, Chicago, and 
Oak Ridge” (Welsome: 203). Warren was in fact, not simply an individual research 
scientist engaging in human subject testing, but he was leader of this clandestine 
Manhattan spin-off coalition, whose members were secretly injecting hospital patients 
with plutonium, and engaging in all forms of human subject testing of radionuclides. In 



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84 

fact, Warren and his staff were the individuals to approve such tests (Wellsome: 204). 
According to Eileen Welsome, the reporter who in the 1990’s, broke the case of human 
subject research involving radioisotopes, “under Shield Warren’s steady hand, a vast new 
empire devoted to radiation research sprang up in the United States” (Welsome: 207). 
Warren was just one individual at the peak echelon of a top-secret human-subject 
research machine, that enlisted the help of some of the world’s top researchers to test 
chemical, biological, and radiological weapons for the U.S. military. 

AN EMERGENT HYBRID ORGANIZATION 

What emerges from the union of military, scientific community, and industry (with 
politician-advocates in the background or foreground as appropriate for political cover), 
is a new structural dynamic with clearly defined military goals, driven by scientific 
legitimacy. The nascent organization incorporated transformative and hybridized 
elements from the three individual entities (military, industrial, scientific community) that 
formed the organization. This included: 

• Aggressive industrial competition not against (industrial) competitors, but against 
State-determined military and political enemies. 

• Fiercely competitive research, not to advance science and society, but to advance 

o c 

the goals of the military. 



84 

According to Welsome, Shields thrived in the culture of secrecy at the AEC, and fearing lawsuits and bad publicity, 
he quashed efforts by other researchers in the cabal when they attempted to publish findings of their human-subject 
studies (Welsome: 205). 

85 This does not exclude benefits to science and society; those are merely viewed as potentially lucrative asides, 
external to the central goal of military superiority. 



168 




• Rapid military growth, as thousands of persons join the military war machine 
through military contractual agreements with universities and industry. Satellite 
military institutions emerge all over the country, and are particularly desirable to 
the military arm, because classified military activity can be disguised under the 
guise of typical industrial activity. 

• The military becomes the focus of lobbying interests and industry, as it becomes a 
source of funds to private interests. Thus, competition between industrial entities 
over military resources becomes tied to industrial growth, which is thus, claimed 
by some groups as a mark of “successful” industrial capitalism. In turn, economic 
and military power gained, may be leveraged world-wide by political and military 
elites in the U.S., in a show of imperialism. 

• Military-sourced funds can detennine which academic institutions have more 
resources, are viewed as prestigious, and which have the financial capital towards 
physical growth. Thus, competition between academic institutions over military 
resources becomes an emphasis to advance growth and prestige in the academy. 
This becomes particularly relevant during lean economic times. 

• A triangulation of power occurs, whereby leaders (military, industrial, scientific 
community) from each side of the partnership develop close fraternity, viewing 
many others in the partnership as partners or potential equals . From this, 
emerges the Revolving Door phenomena, and an overall expansion of what C. 
Wright Mills refers to as “the Power Elite”. 



I use the term “potential” here because some scholars argue that scientists are viewed as “hired hands” in this 
arrangement, and indeed, the military views their role as overseer and director, above the coalition (see “Politics of 
Research Ethics in a Federal Bureaucracy”, in Deviance and Decency: The Ethics of Research with Human Subjects 
(1979); Sage Annual Reviews of Studies in Deviance: Beverly Hills. 



169 




The unique compact between military, industry, and the scientific community that makes 
up the military-industrial-academic complex and the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, 
allows for non-nonnative behavior that far exceeds the bounds of any actions that any 
individual component alone could manage. In this synergistic compact, each element has 
decision-making capability, indeed some autonomy, over the direction of whatever need 
they fill in this hybridized group. Each element in this coalition can advance their own 
varied goals under a shroud of secrecy and protection, in this clandestine effort of 
military superiority. They are thus, able to press their own agendas in new and unique 
ways that heretofore, had been unavailable to them given the constraints outside the 
compact, which include compliance requirements related to criminal and administrative 
laws, transparency, and public accountability. Citizens will accept to a great degree some 
level of secrecy and activity generally not acceptable, in efforts to assure national safety. 
But because of the covert nature of military activity, indeed of the military-industrial- 
academic complex, the same social agreement that allows some secrecy in exchange for 
national security, can also allow exploitation. In the case of the Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition, this exploitation in fact, led to morbid and clandestine body-snatching during 
Project SUNSHINE. Were any individual component within this compact to engage in 
the same type of activity, without the protection of the other components, they would 
likely be exposed and viewed as rogue or criminal. Thus, the compact itself is of great 
import, as it brings a collective autonomy unrealized otherwise. This unique arrangement 
brings cover and rationale for actions that would otherwise be viewed as perhaps 



170 




criminal; it gives, as one individual stated, “another set of fingers for people to point 
with”, and indeed, another set of players for insiders to point towards. 



How then, does each individual component of this compact benefit from this 
arrangement? For scientists in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, the arrangement 
brings an expansion of autonomy whereby they can explore scientific horizons heretofore 
left unexplored; it brings a new layer of protection to the scientists for those explorations; 
it allows for a legitimate rationale to engage in research that may be otherwise deemed 
unacceptable, unethical, or illegal. The compact is seen as advantageous (and perhaps 
desirable) to the scientist and their affiliated institution, as it brings direct access to 
seemingly endless funds, which also lends prestige to the scientists and to their 
institutions. The scientists themselves are able, through this extra layer of secrecy and 
the rationale of “national security”, to shift ethical burdens and delegitimize 
accountability. In one interview, Hymer Friedell, who was a core member of the Health 
Division, discussed how like cogs in a machine or playing cards, the University of 
Rochester made a deal to trade one of their faculty members to the coalition, in exchange 
for project funding and capital: 



I think that President Vallentine, who was then in charge of the University 
of Rochester, probably made a hard bargain with the Army, saying, ‘You can 
have Stafford Warren’ . . .they probably made an agreement to have a research 
program going on in Rochester, and to build the building then for them to do it. 
That was, I don't think, a [hard] bargain, but it was a bargain: ‘You can have 
Warren if you'll do this’. I think the Army probably felt that we needed the 
research program anyway, and so, they did it. Undoubtedly, in the contract 
someplace, it probably outlined some of the studies that could be done — I 
know that I visited many times there before the building was built — and what 
the general program might be like. FISHER: At Rochester? FRIEDELL: At 
Rochester (U.S.DOE, 1995). 



171 




In an equally beneficial exchange, back-room deals were made between corporations and 
universities such as Rochester. They provided highly qualified faculty members to the 
military, in exchange for capital funds and lucrative project funding contracts for years to 
come. Rochester certainly was fully engaged in the effort of the coalition; the university 
slipped quickly and silently into the sinister military-driven efforts of human radiation 
studies. 

The industrial component of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition benefitted from this 
arrangement in several ways. Clearly, industry obtained access to extraordinary capital 
that may not otherwise have been within reach. Indeed, during the Cold War, the 
Department of Defense and other military-related agencies such as the AEC, funded 
industrial plants for military production during major times of war, but those plants were 
to be privately owned. This arrangement was of enormous benefit to industry, as it 
allowed them capital to build enormous new industrial complexes to produce products, 
both for sale to the U.S. military (a committed customer), and to the private sector around 

on 

the world . This capital investment allowed for unrivaled growth of the defense industry 

88 

in the United States. Many of the “captains of industry” from the defense sector 
became significant industrial figures on the world stage, whereby they leveraged power 
in other countries to their own financial gain. This also provided to them unprecedented 
access to key players at the top levels of government and science, as well as 



Including sometimes, sales to persons or governments from “hostile nations”. This creates a conflict of interest. 
There are laws to prevent corporations from selling defense weaponry to hostile nations, but how much those laws are 
implemented and enforced, is anyone’s guess, and not the subject of this paper. 

88 

Such as John McDonnell from McDonnell Douglas, or Henry Kaiser who was linked to ship-building, automobiles, 
steel, and now healthcare through the Kaiser Foundation. 



172 




unprecedented access to classified information. With this came domestic and 
international power, prestige, status, and generations of vast wealth and advantage. It 
could certainly be argued that industry benefitted the most from this Cold War compact. 

The military component of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition also benefitted in a 
number of ways. Their “partnership” with the scientific community brought legitimacy 
and credence to the military’s efforts. The military effort instantly gained industry- 
insider support, and labor support. It infused into the military-industrial complex, a 
legion of new scientists with vast intellectual capability, a never-ending supply of bright 
and up-and-coming scientists, and access to prestigious academic laboratories and 
resources, to work on behalf of a very focused, intense, clandestine military agenda. The 
military shifted to scientists the burden of definition of what risks are “acceptable” in the 
pursuit of advanced weaponry and methods of warfare. Both the ethical burden and 
accountability likewise shifted from the military, and public scrutiny was instead directed 
towards prestigious, respected, and a somewhat invisible “scientific body”. A 
questioning public will be in general, less suspicious of “good science” than they would 
be of stated or perceived military goals which may or may not, enhance national security 
or defense. Science, in turn could push this agenda out of normative bounds, justifying 
actions based on the military’s claim of a national security risk, in a somewhat symbiotic 
relationship that increases risk taking overall. Risk taking and exploitation increased 
dramatically, from the synergistic efforts of those within the compact, with an 
unsuspecting public not knowing much of the details of the matter, except for that which 



173 




had been framed by President Truman and his cabinet. Indeed, a risky shift took place 
within the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 



According to Walzer, 

When a state like this commits itself to a campaign of aggression, its 
citizens (or many of them) are likely to go along, as Americans did during the 
Vietnam War, arguing that the war may after all be just; that it is not possible 
for them to be sure whether it is just or not; that their leaders know best and 
tell them this or that, which sounds plausible enough; and that nothing they 
can do will make much difference anyway. . .by citizens seeking to avoid the 
difficulties that might follow if they thought about the war for themselves 
(Walzer: 301). 



Incorporation of the scientific community squarely into the fold of secret military 
endeavors, provided legitimacy for military-guided actions that the public may respond to 
differently, when believed to be conducted by scientists rather than military elites. 



Weber notes that “the belief in the specific legitimacy of political action can, and under 
modem conditions actually does, increase to a point where only certain political 
communities, viz., the ‘states’ are considered to be capable of ‘legitimizing’, by virtue of 
mandate or pennission, the exercise of physical coercion by any other community” 
(Weber: 904). Thus, the state has legitimacy to engage in physical coercion. In the realm 
of defense, this basic function of the state falls to a military administration, which offers 
“organized armed protection against outside attack” (Weber: 905). Physical coercion by 
the state is thus viewed as legitimate, while political colleagues present salient rationales, 
sound bytes, and political cover for the actions of their military colleagues, to a 
sometimes uninfonned and collectively gullible public. (Indeed, politicians control the 

89 We will discuss the constructed framework of public rationale, in the section entitled "Social Autism”. 



174 




resources of the military, so the military had better be willing to routinely provide them 
with positive stories to placate constituents and critics.) Human experimentation 
however, is generally not viewed as legitimate action by the state, particularly on the 
heels of the Nuremberg trials, which involved American prosecutors. Human 
experimentation may however, be plausibly argued as potential treatment for disease, 
when presented as such by the medical community. Experimentation was also easier to 
mask when under the auspices of the scientific or medical community, rather than that of 
the military. 

Philip Morrison, who had also worked on the Manhattan Project, warned about the 
danger of the military co-opting the academy however, whereby “science itself will have 
been bought by war on the installment plan” (Welsome: 211). Indeed, the fusion of the 
military and the academy became not a scientific military, but rather militarized science. 
Once co-optation was complete, inside the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, there was 
essentially no oversight. All “oversight” was internal; “oversight” was provided by 
military commander General Leslie Groves, and the chairman of the AEC, who would 
advance above all, the interests of the military war machine. 

On the heels of a world war, and in an era of hostile McCarthyism, the general public was 
already very careful in their public- and even private- criticism of public officials. This 
served to silence a citizenry en masse, and allowed acceleration of activity that might 
otherwise had realized vocal critics. Civilians viewed the 1950s as a time of peace, and 
were therefore, not vigilant for activity that smacked of war. Although, according to 



175 




Walzer, a great number of citizens did not wish to be bothered with what they considered 
to be the minutia of war and peace, in the climate of the 1950s, there were other matters 
at stake. 



176 




PREFACE TO CHAPTER SIX 



The following chapter outlines the use of secrecy and how the dissemination of 
information- both internally and externally from the Manhattan Rochester Coalition was 
used to control dissent, targeting both internal participants, and the external public. Two 
concepts are identified and defined in this chapter. Ethical autism is the use of tactics by 
organizational elites to control internal dissent and create “ethical lapses” inside the 
organization. This minimizes awareness of collective activities, such as crimes, unethical 
actions, or other organizational activity that may result in internal resistance by 
participants. Social autism is the use of tactics by organizational elites to control external 
dissent in an outside audience (ie: the general public). The intention is to stifle debate in 
the public square, to distort the reality of harmful, unethical, or illegal actions by the 
organization, and to create a false sense of security in the external audience. Both ethical 
and social autism are induced through mechanisms called snipping, spinning, and 
blizzarding, which are each defined in this chapter. Through ethical autism, we can come 
to understand how harmful ethical lapses by a large number of individuals, over a long 
period of time can occur inside an organization, without extensive internal dissent and 
opposition that might otherwise suspend the deviant activity. Through social autism, we 
can come to understand how the public at large can be kept in the dark about harmful 
organizational actions involving hundreds or thousands of participant insiders. Through 
specific mechanistic triggers, dissent both internally and externally can thus be quashed, 
allowing the organization to continue with unethical, harmful, or illegal actions, 
undetected and unchallenged. 



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CHAPTER VI 



ETHICAL AND SOCIAL AUTISM: 

THE QUASHING OP INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL DISSENT 



z 



Just as secrecy protects such abuses of power, so it also gives those who employ it 
successfully more power, thus increasing their susceptibility to corruption, and in turn a 
still greater need for secrecy. In the absence of accountability and safeguards, the 
presumption against secrecy when it is linked with power is therefore strong. 

(SisellaBok, 1989) 



The 1950s was a turbulent time. A peace-shattering World War II had ushered in the 

decade, which would precede the beginning of a passionate Civil Rights Era. It fell 

squarely within the vulgar snarl of McCarthyism, when Wisconsin Senator Joseph 

McCarthy boldly accused statesmen, celebrities, and public officials of being active 

communists, and so ruined careers and personal lives. Richard Barnet suggests that a 

climate of coerced conformity and blindness ensued. 

There is no doubt that the climate of fear, which the. . .senator capitalized 
upon and helped to promote produced ideological confonnity, self-protective 
blindness, and the prudent avoidance of controversy. But what was it about 
the intellectual climate of America, that permitted McCarthyism to flourish 
and caused his attackers to question only his ‘methods’ and not his 
‘objectives’? (Barnet, 1971: 304). 



In the era of the communist blacklist, many social scientists and media sought silent 
refuge in the safe corners of the magnifying glass, tacitly accepting those engaged in a 



178 




vicious political witch-hunt and blossoming romance between military, industry and 
science (Barnet: 304). Between 1950 and 1954, Senator Joseph McCarthy accused 
among others, the Atomic Energy Commission of ignoring the communist leanings of 
scientists (Wellsome: 323). This frightening witch-hunt may have served as impetus for 
reluctant scientists to tacitly support secret military efforts related to human subject tests 
of radioactive materials. Indeed, secrecy was a crucial element in advancing the military 
project, and most of the human radiation studies undertaken during the Cold War would 
in fact, remain secret for decades. 

SECRECY AND POWER 

Secrecy can be defined at the most basic level, as the intentional practice of concealment 
or hiding of information. Secrecy can also be viewed as a practicing or leveraging of 
control and power, through withholding of information. Some degree of secrecy is 
desirable and warranted, however. Bok argues that ,“with no capacity for keeping secrets 
and for choosing when to reveal them, human beings would lose their sense of identity 
and every shred of autonomy” (Bok: 282). Thus, secrecy can be both beneficial and 
harmful. This dualism presents a challenge: 

Not only must we reject definitions of secrecy that invite approval or 
disapproval; we cannot even begin with a moral presumption in either 
direction. This is not to say, however, that there can be none for particular 
practices, nor that these practices are usually morally neutral. But it means 
that it is especially important to look at them separately, and to examine 
the moral arguments made for and against each one (Bok: 27). 

Because some secrecy can be positive for individuals or society, acts or events involving 

secrecy must be scrutinized to determine what level of secrecy is warranted, and what the 



179 




effect is on others. Secrecy is often used to remove accountability, and to avoid negative 
sanctions that would otherwise arise to address purposeful norm violations. In the case of 
the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition and the St. Louis aerosol study, avoidance of 
accountability was one motivation behind acts embedded within a framework of military 
secrecy. 

STATE AND MILITARY SECRECY 

State secrecy in general, applies to the withholding of information from the public or 
other entities or nations, by the government of any given nation-state. This is particularly 
true regarding the military and state matters of “defense”. Military secrecy is a highly 
compartmentalized subset of a class of restricted information held by the state. Through 
the state, military secrecy is invoked. It is often argued that secrecy is an essential 
element in the military defense of a nation-state and thus, state preservation. Military 
secrecy includes not only secrets from enemies, but also secrecy from a state’s own 
citizens, as an extension of the fonner (keeping secrets from enemies). There must exist 
however, an element of public trust in the state that such power will not be abused. “The 
public is asked to take on faith the need for secrecy on the grounds that an open debate of 
the reasons for such a need might endanger national security (Bok, 202). 

There is thus, a tension between necessary secrecy for reasons of defense, versus the need 
for transparency, the desire to prevent abuses, and to uphold individual rights in society. 
“Because a degree of military secrecy is so fundamental to survival, it can call on greater 
sacrifices than all other rationales for secrecy”, thus, citizens can “lose ordinary 
democratic checks on precisely those matters that can affect them most strongly”, (Bok, 



180 




191-92). In addition, not only will one nation’s secrecy often prompt a response in kind 
from other nations, but military secrecy holds a particular danger in that, “misapplied or 
excessive secrecy can be equally dangerous in causing hostile nations to respond 
inappropriately to one another” (Bok, 196). Thus, there is danger in state secrecy, as it 
relates to international diplomacy and political-military response. Adding to such events 
is the additional issue that, “under conditions of crisis, when nations feel beleaguered, 
military secrecy is likely to spread, invite abuse, and undennine the very security it is 
meant to uphold” (Bok, 194). 

The military is not the only institution where secrecy is a norm. Daniel Ellsberg, author 
of The Pentagon Papers, described how “people on the inside of the government become 
convinced that they are acting for the good of the country, develop a contempt for those 
who do not have the secrets, and come to consider them really unfit to participate ‘in 
detennining who shall run the country’” (Dorsen: 20). Ellsberg also describes the 
various and complex levels of secrecy that are unknown to the general public, noting that 
"top secret" is not the most classified category within the upper echelons of the executive 
branch. According to Ellsberg: 

I shared the universal ethos of the executive branch, at least of my part of it: 
that for the Congress, the press, and the public to know much about what the 
president was doing for them, with our help, was at best unnecessary and 
irrelevant. At worst, it was an encouragement to uninfonned (uncleared), short- 
sighted, and parochial individuals and institutions to intervene in matters that 
were too complicated for them to understand, and to muck them up (Ellsberg, 44). 

There was clearly, a culture of secrecy in the administration. It went however, beyond 

secrecy, and entered the realm of misinformation and arrogance, according to Ellsberg: 

Once I was inside the government, my awareness of how easily and pervasively 



181 




Congress, the public, and journalists were fooled and misled contributed to a 
lack of respect for them and their potential contribution to better policy. That 
in turn, made it easier to accept, to participate in, to keep quiet about practices 
of secrecy and deception that fooled them further and kept them ignorant of 
the real issues that were occupying and dividing inside policy makers. Their 
resulting ignorance made it all the more obvious that they must leave these 
problems to us (Ellsberg, 44). 

Patrick Moynihan likewise argues that by the 1940s and 1950s in the United States, 
secrecy had become a norm in the political realm (Moynihan, 1998). This was true in 
defense laboratories, such as Lawrence Livennore Labs, where classified research 
“restricts the number of institutions engaged in it, limits communication generally, and 
particularly restricts publication of findings” (Sutton: 207). Likewise, in the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition, secrecy was a deeply embedded nonn that sprang from the military 
structure that organized the group, funded, and oversaw their projects. Indeed, a culture 
of secrecy emerged. The very bureaucracy that was the state, supported this culture of 
secrecy. Daniel Ellsberg describes the “local moral world” (Katz, 2009) of a presidential 
cabinet that relied heavily on institutionalized secrecy to cover their actions: 



. . .the regular classification system could be regarded as a mere cover for a 
much higher category of secrets, available only to an inner group of officials 
who amount to a government within a government. They carry on covert 
operations that never become known except by some fluke of political history 
such as W atergate (Dorsen: 18-19). 



In fact, the Freedom of Information Act process is a highly regulated system of secrecy, 
in that one must know specific information to obtain a document; general inquiries are 
typically not met with document returns. Thus, in an ironic twist, Freedom of 
Infonnation in effect, reflects institutionalized secrecy that sustains a certain level of 
ignorance in society, at the hands of those in power to determine what, who, and how 



182 




individuals obtain information about their government, while projecting an aura of 
openness and transparency. Institutionalized secrecy may also reflect an abuse of power. 
Indeed, Sissella Bok argues that those who employ secrecy to protect abuse of power, 
gain more power and thus can become even more corrupt, which advances the need for 
additional secrecy (Bok: 106). Thus, there is according to Bok, a strong need to institute 
checks and safeguards to increase transparency and debate in the public domain. 



SECRECY & THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALTION 
Hymer L. Friedell who had worked on the human subject studies involving radioactive 
materials for the Atomic Energy Commission’s Health Division, recalled the importance 
of secrecy in the radiation projects: 



We didn’t want anybody to know that we were working on radiation. Work on 
animals was secret, because we didn’t want anyone to be aware of this. As a 
matter of fact, publications in the literature, once they came into our office, were 
stamped ‘secret’. Throughout the literature — it wasn’t to be discovered by 
anybody that we were looking at data in the literature. All of this, then, had to be 
handled in a secret fashion. That was obvious. Secrecy probably made a big 
difference (U.S. DOE, 1995). 

Secrecy was used as a tool of power to control the reaction of the public to human subject 
research of atomic weapons, but secrecy was an important element of internal control, as 
well. Dr. Friedell worked at the Chicago Division MetLab, under Dr. Robert Stone; 
MetLab was at that time creating a “pile” on site. 90 Decades later, Friedell described the 
way he and other researchers backhandedly deduced infonnation on various projects at 
the lab. 



90 A “pile” is a pile of bricks of a particular material, which retains uranium, and produces plutonium through fission 
activity. 



183 




Because of secrecy, there was a considerable compartmentalization. Often, we 
weren’t told everything. But my understanding was: that they were going to see 
whether they could build an experimental pile. Then we knew that they needed a 
moderator. We learned a lot about the nuclear science by the fact that they 
looked at moderators, and they decided that carbon [(graphite)] was a very 
good one. And we used to see carbon blocks around there and machining of 
carbon blocks... (U.S.DOE, 1995). 

Former pathologist Clarence Lushbaugh, who had worked at the Chicago Toxicity Lab, 

which was closely aligned to MetLab, recalled the following event decades later: 



I almost got fired by the secretary of our Chicago Toxicity Lab group who 
was there, and she also knew about the metallurgy project at the University of 
Chicago. I had come to the conclusion from listening around, that the 
University of Chicago was somehow associated with the pathology of 
radiation damage, and that this pathology of radiation damage involved bone 
marrow, and therefore they were interested in anemia! I mentioned this to her 
one day, that the focus of the metallurgy [project] was on the pathology of 
radiation damage. For that reason, she accosted me for having broken the 
secret and had threatened to fire me. I explained that I had arrived at those 
conclusions all on my own, and that I did not have to be fired at that point 
(U.S. DOE, 1994). 

Secrecy was thus used internally to limit any one persons knowledge of projects that were 
being conducted, and formal sanctions were built into policy to deal with violations. This 
use of power through secrecy, extended not only inside the organization, but outside as 
well. 



Although information on the human radiation experiments occasionally made 
its way into obscure journals, the scientists managed to pursue their studies 
without drawing much public attention to their projects. This was due in 
large part, of course, to the deliberate efforts on the part of the researchers 
and their government funders to keep the experiments quiet (Welsome: 403). 

According to Welsome, “the culture bred by the Manhattan Project caused a blanket of 

secrecy to be thrown over everything related to atomic weapons. The secrecy was 

essential during the Manhattan Project, but it hardened into a protective and impenetrable 

shell after the war” (Welsome: 484). Hymer Friedell discussed the secrecy and 



184 




deception extended by the military arm of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, to obtain 
equipment and supplies for the Manhattan Engineering District laboratories. 



Obviously, all of the shots were really being called by General Groves from 
Washington. Often, General Groves would call on me to do things. One of the 
anecdotes is that — I have written it up — was that he asked me to go to Boston 
to Harvard [University] to buy their cyclotron. The reason for asking me to do 
it — and I was still at Chicago — the reason for asking me to do it was: they 
wanted to camouflage the idea that the Army was buying a cyclotron — well, that 
the Manhattan Engineer District was buying a cyclotron. Ostensibly, the 
cyclotron — actually — the cyclotron was being purchased for Los Alamos. 

We used the facade of my representing the [Anny's] Medical Corps, which 
wasn’t true, and that I wanted it for medical purposes (U.S. DOE, 1995). 

Secrecy extended from the military leadership and was a requirement for insiders within 

the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, as part of a highly coordinated effort to deceive 

parties outside the coalition. The military, the scientific community insiders, and 

industry insiders all benefitted and derived power from this pact of secrecy, a pact that 

Eviatar Zerubavel might refer to as a “conspiracy of silence”. Zerubavel highlights how, 

“each conspirator's actions are symbiotically complemented by the others'. . .pressure 

toward silence gains momentum as the number of those who conspire to maintain it 

increases, the longer it lasts, and when the very act of denial is itself denied" (Zerubavel: 

15). Conspiracies of silence might indeed rest squarely on employee loyalty, a trait that 

is revered in both politics and industry. As an example, Daniel Ellsberg describes the 

culture of "supersecrecy", whereby a loyal administration employee was expected to, "do 

what's good for your boss, the man who hired you; put that above what you think is best 

for the country, above giving the president or the secretary of defense your best advice if 

that would embarrass your boss (Ellsberg: 53). In other words, loyalty to superiors 

above all — indeed, above ones own beliefs and values, and even perhaps above national 



185 




interests, can create or sustain conspiracies of silence. Ellsberg notes that many top 
administration officials personally criticized and disagreed with continued involvement in 
the Vietnam War, yet they went along without objection, out of loyalty to higher level 
officials (Ellsberg, 57). 

“The concept of the ‘official secret’ is the specific invention of bureaucracy and nothing 
is so fanatically defended by the bureaucracy as this attitude, which cannot be 
substantially justified beyond these specifically qualified areas” (Weber, et ah, as cited in 
Gerth, et ah, 233). According to Weber, the secret is a means of power in a bureaucracy, 
and we see how that power is leveraged in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. Indeed, 
the realm of “politically-convenienf ’ official secrets, expands as decisions become “more 
fateful” (Mills: 355). Secrets are used as a tool of manipulation by political elites (Mills, 
1956), military elites, (Habermas, 1968; Arendt, 1963), and corporate elites (Sutherland, 
1983), and the union of the three groups in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition magnified 
the use of official secrets. This administrative barrier locks out information to citizens, 
“disturbs the flow of communication on the most basic level”, and creates an inability to 
form ethical and just discourse (Habermas, 76). According to Habermas however, moral 
decision-making requires open debate and discourse, including the airing of differences 
of opinion (Edgar, 28), where members of society can reflect upon social norms, rights, 
and collective goals (Edgar, 25). Indeed, domination arises from distorted and 
incomplete communication (Habermas, 1 12), which also serves to hide ideology 
(Habermas, 1 10), and manipulate public response. 



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DISSEMINATION OF INTERNAL INFORMATION & THE HYBRID 
ORGANIZATION 

The reorganization of duties by the Manhattan Engineering District aggressively 
advanced weapons technologies, added layers of secrecy, and divided responsibilities into 
approximately ten satellite divisions that made up the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 
“The program expanded from the base of the Manhattan Project research sites such as 
Oak Ridge, Hanford, Chicago, and the Universities of California, Chicago, and Rochester 
to take in a growing portion of the university research establishment” (U.S. DOE, 1995a). 
The program was indeed, an ambitious one. Expansion would focus on the following 
research areas: “. . .the physical measurement of radiation, the biological effects of 
radiation, the methods for the detection of radiation damage, methods for the prevention 
of radiation injury, and protective measures” (U.S. DOE, 1995a). But lingering under a 
legitimate list of concerns during an age of nuclear war, was a more sinister list, whereby 
the tasks of secretive weapons testing on American civilians, were to be divided up 
between the following facilities: MetLab (aka Argonne National Lab), Los Alamos, 
Monsanto (Oak Ridge), Columbia University, and the Universities of Rochester, 
Michigan Tennessee, California, and Virginia. All would take on these tasks, to be 
funded to a great extent by the Atomic Energy Commission, with Rochester taking the 
largest slice of the project pie. 

The University of Rochester was to be the largest contractor, receiving more 
than $ 1 million, followed by the University of California (about one-half 
million for UCLA, where Stafford Warren was dean of the new medical school, 
and Berkeley, to which [Robert] Stone had returned to join Hamilton, Western 
Reserve (to which Warren’s deputy Hymer Friedell was headed), and Columbia 
(more than $100,000). Argonne [MetLab] received an amount comparable to 



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Rochester; other labs, including Los Alamos National Laboratory and Clinton 
Labs (now Oak Ridge National Laboratory), were scheduled for $200,000 or 
less (DOE). 91 



All of the divisions were clandestine, and all communications were rigorously controlled 
and screened. Meetings were strictly confidential and held “by invitation only”. Hymer 
L. Friedell, who was in charge of the AEC’s Health Division, described the circulation of 
information inside the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition thusly: 



Dr. Hamilton made all his reports to the University of Chicago; possibly because 
it was considered The Plutonium Project. But nevertheless, all other groups like 
[the University of] Rochester, and so on, always reported directly: made their own 
reports and submitted them somewhere to the Manhattan Project someplace. It 
wasn't known as the Manhattan Project, so it came to the Manhattan Corps of 
Engineers. And then, the reports from the University of Chicago all then came to 
us, once it was organized. It was always interesting that the reports came under 
the general (General Groves). First of all, it always identified Compton as the 
director, Stone as the director of the biomedical studies, and then Dr. Hamilton as 
the director of the studies, which were being done on fission products. It was an 
illogical, in a way, thing to do. And it was obviously the best place to do it 
because they had the cyclotron working there. They would then go ahead and do 
these studies. The reports were always made through Chicago, and then, in turn, 
we would receive it. 

FISHER: In Oak Ridge? 

FRIEDELL: Oak Ridge. For a while, while I was in Chicago, I would receive it. 
(U.S. DOE; Friedell; 1995b). 

Friedell describes a strict screening process, and a controlled regulation of internal 
communications. Sutton describes a similar process at the defense lab Lawrence 
Livermore; “two mechanisms exist for the more general dissemination of information 
within the laboratory: a constant flow of seminars given by local and visiting scientists, 
and in-house publications” (Sutton: 208). The description of Lawrence Livermore 



91 

Cited in DOE Openness Report: www.hss.energv.gov/healthsafetv/ohre/roadmap , but attributed to Stafford Warren, 
Interim Medical Committee, proceedings of 23-24 January 1947 (ACHRE No. UCLA-1 1 1094-A-26). 



188 



Laboratory’s communication as “highly compartmentalized” whereby “communication 
outside the immediate task group is only occasional”, aligns with the communication 
procedures described by Friedell in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. The Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition which focused on highly compartmentalized group tasks and goals, 
held larger discussions in the form of regular, classified conferences, held usually at 
Rochester. Regardless of all other elements, secrecy was the primary distinctive feature 
throughout the entire process, both internally as well as externally, by the organization. 

COMPARTMENT ALIZATION 

Within an organization, infonnation is often provided to employees on a need-to-know 
basis. This enables employees (and/or military personnel) to complete their assigned 
tasks, duties, or mission, without always understanding how their tasks contribute to an 
end or final outcome. Thus, there may be no knowledge of the organization’s 
engagement in crime or unethical actions, even if that individual played a role in the 
outcome. In some situations, were employees to be fully apprised of their own 
contribution to the larger whole, some may decide to become non-participants. This can 
create dissention and division in the organization, as well as a situation where the final 
goal is unattainable. Because of this, participants are often restricted to limited bits of 
information, but not enough to have a full understanding of their organization’s actions. 
They are provided the information that they need to know to complete their tasks, and 
often no more. This withholding or parsing of infonnation restricts the ability of workers 
to think critically or ask critical questions. It disengages organized response, and can be 
used to rationalize actions and deflect criticism. Thus, the organization is not a 



189 




community where protest can occur (Walzer: 315). The purposeful regulation of 
information becomes then, a tool in military, bureaucratic, and hierarchical systems, to 
manage potential dissent. In the military-industrial-academic complex where military has 
the highest authority, this is particularly relevant. “Civil protest and disobedience 
usually arise out of community of values. But the army is an organization, not a 
community, and the communion of ordinary soldiers is shaped by the character and 
purposes of the organization, not by their private commitments” (Walzer: 315). Thus, 
participants are expected to compartmentalize their own personal beliefs, and adopt those 
of the larger organization. 94 As an extra assurance to maintain compliance however, this 
may be engineered for organizational participants (without their knowledge). For 
example, General Leslie Groves, the military head of the Manhattan Project, operated by 
the principle, “that workers should know only what they need to know to do their jobs 
and nothing more” (Wellsome: 423). Groves saw this as an important element to retain 
secrecy and so that no one person knew enough infonnation to piece together the 
enonnous potential of the project, and perhaps also to avoid a response of moral 
repugnancy and outrage, whereby workers might refuse to contribute to the project. In 
the MIA complex, Groves’ operating principle becomes a very important tool that 
contributes to non-normative behavior, and according to some scholars, it is also 
inherently dangerous. Hannah Arendt refers to the purposeful compartmentalization of 
tasks in government as "Rule by Nobody". 



In the private sector, too, open protest is rarely, if ever, allowed. 

93 

The same argument might be advanced regarding industry. 

94 If the participants are able to incorporate their personal goals into those of the larger organization, than all 
the better for the organization. 



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If in accord with traditional political thought, we identify tyranny as government 
that is not held to give account of itself, rule by Nobody is clearly the most 
tyrannical of all, since there is no one left who could even be asked to answer for 
what is being done. It is this state of affairs, making it impossible to localize 
responsibility and to identify the enemy, that is among the most potent causes of 
the current worldwide rebellious unrest, its chaotic nature, and its dangerous 
tendency to get out of control and run amuck (Arendt: 1972, 138). 

According to Arendt, responsibility and accountability are jettisoned when 
compartmentalization is employed in an organization or state, and the result is a 
tyrannical or despotic abuse of authority. Arendt’s argument is supported in the case of 
the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. 

CONTROL OF DISCOURSE 

When information is transmitted from organizations, it is often in the form of messages to 
define events, and also to manipulate public opinion (Mills, 221). The messages are 
often the product “of those with the power to define what is to be taken as ‘factual’” 
(Taylor, 26). Often, a message is wrapped in seductive discourse that make people 
believe they have the same goals (Mouffe & Chantal, 184; 191), or it is repackaged as a 
positive misrepresentation that conceals the nature of the issue (Walzer, 326). According 
to Flyvbjerg, “success in rhetoric is associated... with distortion”, and this is related to 
issues of power (Flyvbjerg, Bent: 216). In the concept of moral inversion as expressed 
by Adams and Balfour where, “something evil has been redefined convincingly as 
good. . . [this] allows ordinary people to easily engage in acts of administrative evil while 
believing that what they are doing is not only correct, but in fact, good” (Adams, et al., 

4). Moral inversion occurred during the Gennan Holocaust, whereby the SS placed 
official language requirements on particularly offensive terms, in order to purposely mask 



191 




the daily evil tasks of genocide (Arendt, 46; 84-85). Indeed, during the early part of the 
Cold War, the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition could not use the word “plutonium” in 
communications, as the word itself had been classified. Through the control of language 
and communication, an organization can thus systematically develop a methodology to 
avoid responsibility and an ethical or moral response to its own actions. Thus, internal 
ethical lapses can be purposely engineered by officials inside the organization. 

ETHICAL AUTISM-DEFINED 

Secrecy, compartmentalization, and the strategic use of communication and rhetoric were 
used by the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition to contain internal dissent and create “ethical 
lapses” inside the organization. Manufactured ethical lapses purposely created by an 
organization in an effort to control internal dissent, is referred to here as “ethical autism”. 
More specifically, ethical autism is defined as the purposeful reduction, manipulation, or 
blockage of information inside an organization or group, intended to 1) distort reality 2) 
minimize awareness of collective illegal or unethical activity 3) create a false sense of 
security to members of the organization from outside threats due to illegal or unethical 
activity 4) to stifle opposition, open debate, and ensure confonnity to the organizational 
goals. Ethical autism is a reflection of a systemic problem that allows unethical or 
criminal behavior within an organization to go unchecked, unchallenged, whereby the 
significance of events are underestimated or misinterpreted by an internal audience. It 
impairs the ability for those involved, to fully understand or appreciate their contribution 
towards unethical or illegal actions by the organization. 



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ETHICS AND ETHICAL LAPSES 



Henry Beecher, one of the earliest twentieth century scholar/physicians to address the 
ethics of human subject testing in the medical literature, argued that, “a particularly 
pernicious myth is the one that depends on the view that the end always justifies the 
means. A study is ethical or not at its inception; it does not become ethical merely 
because it turned up valuable data” (Beecher, 1970: 25). As we have seen, secrecy 
played a major role in the cover-up of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition projects, 
including the St. Louis aerosol study. We have seen certain individual and group-related 
elements that could inspire the highly accomplished men of the Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition to engage in acts that most outside the group would consider immoral, unethical 
and perhaps criminal. Indeed, the men planned and carefully coordinated these actions 
through a complex network that reinforced and hid their actions — actions that in a larger 
context would meet criteria of “ethical lapse”. Ethical lapse is defined here as: 

• Intent to mislead 

• Withholding the truth 

• Concealing infonnation from stakeholders 

• Fabricated, omitted, or falsified data 

• Failure to credit work of others 

• Violation of confidentiality 

• Mistake in judgment by an otherwise ethical person 

• Participation in actions that contribute to or directly hann: psychological, 
physical, financial, cultural 

• Non-disclosure of information 

• Allowing self-interest to override principles 



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In the case of the scientists involved in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, ethical lapses 
most assuredly occurred, but they became to the core circle of participants, 
institutionalized research norms that were outside standard norms of the time. Norms are 
fluid and can change rapidly and dramatically, particularly in response to dramatic or 
traumatic events such as war or other events of significance. Norms can also vary from 
group to group, and particularly so in a “closed world” (Katz, 2009: 26), such as in the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, which had virtually no external oversight or imposition 
of external norms, that might challenge ethical lapses. 

Part of controlling actors both inside and outside the organization, involves the regulation 
of information. There are three distinct tactics or mechanisms regulating information 
outflow both within and outside the organization that produce ethical (and social) autism. 
These mechanisms shut down or impair open communication, discourse and debate in the 
organization, and eschew ethically responsible actions due to calculated organizational 
manipulations. Snipping, Spinning, and Paper Whiteout/Digital Dumping, all operate 
beyond legitimate claims of military or political classification and privilege. Using these 
mechanisms, information is molded, shaped, and parsed to assure that internal 
participants will comply with demands that may conflict with personal values or criminal 
laws. 

SOCIAL AUTISM-DEFINED 

Similar to ethical autism, social autism also results from particular activities designed to 
engineer complacency. Targeting external audiences, the intention is to 1) distort reality 



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2) minimize awareness of an entity’s illegal or unethical activity 3) create a false sense of 
security to the general public in an effort to hide illegal or unethical activity 4) to stifle 
opposition, open debate, and insure uninterrupted organizational goals in an external 
audience. A social autism will occur when political, military, and/or economic 
organizations systematically and purposefully impede meaningful infonnation flow, 
which manifests as a public misunderstanding of reality and potential danger, and 
suppression of full and open debate related to particular organizational actions and their 
effects on society or groups (Martino-Taylor, 48). 

MECHANISMS & SOCIAL AUTISM: SNIPPING, SPINNING & BLIZZARDING 
If military or government officials believe that they cannot present plausible arguments to 
civil society that testing of chemical, biological, or radiological weapons on citizens, is 
reasonable and warranted, then secrecy assumes an ever-greater role in asserting power 
and control. Human subject testing may become covert, and a social autism can be 
engineered by a series of actions. When availability, transparency, and access to 
information by parties external to the organization is examined, three distinct 
mechanisms regulating infonnation outflow emerge, that can produce social autism. 

1) Snipping: Snipping occurs when information is parsed, abbreviated, or 
otherwise limited, and it thereby takes on an innocuous-sounding form. 
Snipping is defined as selectively revealing bits of infonnation to an audience, 
in an effort of false transparency, intended to create a false sense of security in 
the either internal or external audience. Employees within a bureaucracy 



195 




where snipping is employed, and who are involved in an unethical or illegal 
tasks, are told only as much as they need to know to be productive in their role 
as employee. When snipping is used (either inside or outside the 
organization) in an effort to obfuscate, infonnation is limited to the degree 
that a harmful activity or outcome sounds unimportant, routine, mundane, and 
non-harmful to the audience, both inside and outside the organization. 

SNIPPING & THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION 
In 1953, the aerosol studies in Minneapolis and St. Louis were part of a larger, 
coordinated effort related to offensive military weapons testing. While the aerosol 
dispersants were sprayed over neighborhoods in St. Louis, various state agencies, 
including the Atomic Energy Commission, were collecting human and animal tissues 
from around the world. Officials claimed that they were conducting a study related to a 
naturally occurring source of radiation in the environment-radon, when in reality, they 
were analyzing for exposure to strontium-90, radioactive iodine, and other radioactive 
contaminants that emerged in people due to military tests. The radon claim was a half- 
truth, a cover story to purposely deflect public scrutiny. One internal document justified 
that officials were “providing for the measurement of Ra (radium) as well as Sr-90 
(strontium-90) in many of all of the samples, so that the Ra story is merely incomplete, 
not false’, [as] Robert A. Dudley of the Atomic Energy Commission Biophysics Branch 
wrote on Dec. 9, 1953” (Davidson, 1995). 



196 




Snipping is apparent in a National Academy of Sciences (NAS, 1997) report related to 
the aerosol spraying in St. Louis and other U.S. cities. A subcommittee of the NAS 
produced three reports. Firstly, an interim report, published in September 1995, contains 
the subcommittee’s preliminary toxicity assessment of ZnCdS exposures; secondly, a 
final technical report published in 1997 (National Academy of Sciences, 1997b); and 
thirdly, a separately published nontechnical report for the general public (National 
Academy of Sciences, 1997a). The (second) final technical report includes 356 pages of 
text and data, excluding final references. The (third) public nontechnical report was 
issued in the form of “Answers to Commonly Asked Questions”, and comprised a total of 
14.5 pages of text and data, including one page dedicated to answering the question, 
“where can I go for more information?” The public report includes at least one full page 
of irrelevant infonnation related to cadmium in the ambient environment or from other 
sources. In all, without the additional sources page, the third, public report includes 
twelve pages of infonnation relevant to the ZnCdS study, produced for public 
consumption. The abbreviated public report also notes that the committee “based its 
conclusions on two basic sources of information”, including information gathered at 
public meetings, and toxicity and exposure data on ZnCdS, cadmium, and cadmium 
compounds from the open scientific literature and other technical reports” (National 
Academy of Sciences, 1997a: 3). The report issued for the public was an example of 
purposeful snipping, whereby 356 pages of technical data was snipped down into a 
convenient 14.5 pages of non-specific information related to cadmium in the general 
environment, which served to diffuse public protest and dissent regarding the studies. 
Another example of snipping in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition activity, occurred 



197 




when military officials secretly embedded dangerous nuclear detonation tests within 
concurrent, less innocuous tests that had been in fact, announced to the public. Thus, 
information was limited and parsed to the degree that it provided a false sense of security 
to the public, whereby the tests sounded routine, mundane and non-hazardous. 

2) Spinning: Spinning occurs when information is carefully packaged to send a 
specific, planned, and strategic message to an audience, in an effort to control 
their response. Verbal rationalizations are used that present as plausible to the 
audience. Spinning is used by officials to alter, fashion, repackage or reframe 
information in an effort to make an action or actions sound less threatening or 
coercive, but instead as positive, justified, legal, and ethical. 

Spinning is similar to snipping in that the desired outcome is to make an action or actions 
sound positive, justified, and ethical. Moral inversion for example, would be a spinning 
mechanism. Spinning utilizes verbal rationalizations, which are made to sound plausible 
to an audience. For example, when scientists argued that “no one was harmed” by 
radiation studies, or that “we should all sacrifice for the war effort”, these were examples 
of spinning used as a mechanism to control the message, and thus, the response. When 
officials initiated an “aggressive propaganda campaign about ‘friendly atoms’ (Welsome: 
485), this was an example of spinning to control the message, and thus, control public 
response. When scientists argued (or continue to argue) that the human subject tests 
occurred at a time when the “standards of the day” allowed such activity; this was (and 
is) spin. In 1947, during the time when the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition was in thick 



198 




of planning and implementing their many studies involving human subject testing with 
radioactive materials, state officials changed the name of the “Department of War” to the 
“Department of Defense”. This name change reflects a purposeful public relations spin 
to control the public perception from that of American aggressors to that of American 
defenders. 

3) Blizzarding: Paper Whiteout/Digital Dumping: The third mechanism of 
blizzarding is often used by officials in a public display of transparency 
without meaningful revelation of significant data, and it takes two forms. 
Paper Whiteouts bury the public or audience with voluminous paperwork, 
research, undifferentiated documents, and/or highly complex technical 
materials, to the point where it is impossible to glean anything meaningful 
from the combination of a) the sheer volume of documents and b) the overly- 
technical language of the documents. This can also take the alternative form 
of “ Digital Dumping ' ’, which is similar to Paper Whiteout, except documents 
are provided in an electronic format with the marked absence of a search 
feature, or a search feature that is difficult to utilize effectively. Digital 
Dumping is particularly disabling and tedious when attempting to locate 
factual information. It occurs when officials provide a great number of 
documents, many unrelated or vaguely related, in response to a request for 
specific information, through either the FOIA or legal discovery process. 

Each document must be individually viewed by the recipient, and are typically 
not sorted or categorized in any way. Documents or lengthy reports (or 



199 




portions of those reports) may be repeated (sometimes many times) at random 
intervals, which adds to the overwhelming volume of pages. Because the 
viewer will typically not choose to print thousands of documents and images 
that may appear on an electronic file, they must manually view (and perhaps 
enlarge to make legible) each individual page, which results in time- 
consuming, tedious work. The United States Government Printing Office 
produces millions of pages of infonnation per year, which is “made available” 
to the general public, in an effort to comply with the public’s right to know. 
Seemingly borrowed from the playbooks of defense attorneys, paper whiteout 
and digital dumping seem to imply that “if you must make it available, bury 
them in a blizzard of documents”, so creating a blinding “paper whiteout”, and 
thus, quite effectively reducing the visibility of meaningful information, while 
creating the impression of compliance. This tactic is the opposite of another 
well-known tactic called, stonewalling. Stonewalling occurs when for 
example, “over a period of months the Secretary of State. . .tells the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee that he is too busy to testify on some subject. 

Or the Defense Department takes months to answer a letter. . .with reasonable 
hope that the request will eventually be forgotten” (Dorsen: 15). 

Stonewalling is a well-known attempt to block meaningful information to a 
recipient who has requested an action or infonnation. 

As researchers in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition discussed plutonium injection 
studies in humans, Shields Warren had an interesting suggestion for the clandestine 
group; he recommended that all such studies be declassified and published. Stating that 



200 




openness was important for such studies, he argued, “’I think it very important in 
something of this sort that there be no suspicion that anything is being hidden or covered 
up, that it is all being done openly and straightforwardly. . .We don’t have to advertise it, 
but at the same time it doesn’t want to be concealed’” (Welsome: 319). In other words, 
top officials of this secret group, conducting top-secret human subject research on top- 
secret weapons, would quietly bury reports in obscure journals. Thus, they could claim 
they were hiding nothing, but yet the technical, jargonistic reports would be lost among 
the thousands of other technical studies published each year. 

In the case of the St. Louis studies, a long, declassified 1953 Army report indicated that 
additional tests beyond those identified, took place in St. Louis, and that the “extra 
studies” required special, security-cleared personnel, as well as special data analysis, at a 
separate location, due to an elevated classification of that portion of the study (U.S Army, 
1953b: 3 1) 95 . Noting the elevated security efforts involved in this otherwise unidentified 
aspect of the St. Louis tests, the Army used the obscure military report to mention in one 
succinct sentence, that a highly classified additional study had taken place. There was no 
other mention in any official documents of this additional test series that rose to a level 
above the “SECRET” military classification that the rest of the project was assigned. By 
burying this short statement of admission within the context of mundane jargon, in a 
long, obscure report that itself had been marked “SECRET”, officials presented a 
semblance of candor, while avoiding scrutiny, in an example of blizzarding. This is 
supported particularly when combined with study officials’ efforts to minimize public 

95 

Unclassified document AD031508; Defense Documentation Center for Scientific and Technical Information; 
Classification changed to “unclassified” from “secret” per authority listed in ASTIA Tab No. U63-4-4, November 15, 
1963; obtained through FOIA, June 201 1 from Dugway Proving Ground, Dugway, Utah 



201 




and media scrutiny through other efforts such as notifying only a few key local officials, 
targeting citizens who had access to fewer resources, and purposely not notifying the 
press and public, before, during, and immediately after the study concluded. 

Three tactics or mechanisms (snipping, spinning, and blizzarding) are used by officials to 
regulate information output to the public, so that a controlled amount of information is 
made available to their audience. Using these mechanisms (along with stonewalling) 
information is molded, shaped, and/or withheld to retain layers of secrecy from outsiders 
(thereby purposefully creating social autism). These tactics are intended to control public 
discourse, critique, opposition, and potential public protest. They are used to limit 
transparency and accountability, while creating a semblance of transparency to outsiders. 

Snipping, spinning, and blizzarding are mechanisms that regulate infonnation in an effort 
to obfuscate, downplay, or deny potentially damaging information to various parties, both 
internal to and external to the organization. The tactics can lead to ethical autism, 
whereby the significance or totality of certain actions become unchecked, unchallenged 
and misunderstood by internal participants of organization. This allows officials to 
diffuse potential internal dissent or refusal to participate in the organization’s actions. 
Ethical autism impairs targeted internal audiences from critical inquiry within the 
organization, and it disengages negative responses. When these mechanisms are 
systematically instituted outside the organization in an attempt to deceive, manipulate 
public opinion, or hide infonnation related to criminal activity or improper behavior such 
as harmful acts, the result is a social autism, whereby outsiders are unaware or are 
deceived as to potential dangers, and a suppression of full and open public debate 



202 




regarding organizational actions (and resultant effects), is manifested. We can thus 
explain through ethical autism, how ethical lapses that may hann outsiders can occur 
within an organization, at the hand of a large number of “normal” internal participants, 
over an extended period of time such as decades. We can explain as well, how resistance 
is kept in check internally, through mechanisms that are implemented to trigger ethical 
autism that suppresses potential opposition and noncompliance. We can explain through 
social autism, how outsiders may have no knowledge of major events that may directly 
impact or harm them, or how potential public opposition and public debate is diffused or 
jettisoned through manipulative tactics from inside the organization. These additions to 
the literature, are helpful to understand how organizational leadership employs specific 
mechanisms internally and externally to control opposition, resistance and debate, and 
thus, trigger ethical and social autism, which allows them to pursue a project or line of 
action, that might otherwise be rejected by individuals either inside or outside the 
organization. 



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CHAPTER VII 



THE MANHATTAN-ROCHESTER COALITION 

AND 

A GLOBAL AMERICAN EMPIRE 



z 



The Manhattan-Rochester Coalition aggressively used a framework of deception to 
control the type and amount of information to which the general public had access. This 
served the interests of the men professionally, along with the financial interests of the 
industrial members of the organization. The military’s interests subjugated all others in 
this group, and however deeply embedded beneath the surface their presence seemed, 
they would make their presence known when their interests were challenged or 
threatened. The studies in which the coalition engaged were vast and all encompassing, 
as they related to nuclear weapons and their human health effects. The limit of their 
military progress, was that of imagination of the bright, young scientists involved. 

The claim by the Manhattan-Rochester operatives who presented as credible and 
successful scientists, and who legitimized the work of the military, was one that 
necessitated, in a hostile world, defenses new and foreign to civilians. It would be 
necessary, they claimed to the few who knew about the study, to envelope a low-income 
urban area, where people of color predominantly resided, in a heavy layer of smoke in an 



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attempt to hide them from hostile foreign (read Soviet) attack. Were that argument 
plausible, one could logically conclude that the neighborhoods selected in St. Louis, were 
the same neighborhoods that officials would protect in event of a Soviet air strike. Were 
the argument plausible, it would benefit all involved to notify all public officials so that 
they might use the occasion as a “dress rehearsal” in which to modify and implement 
their own coordinated actions in anticipation of such an attack. Were the argument 
plausible, than we would have to deny the existence of radar. Indeed, the military’s 
official narrative pre and post-testing, was simply a deception to cover military actions of 
which outsiders, particularly those persons who were targeted, would presumably 
strongly disapprove. 

We find too, that the St. Louis aerosol study was just one single sliver of a vast network 
of studies, in a new military spin-off endeavor, conceived and installed by the generals of 
the Manhattan Project, and coordinated and advanced by a covert Manhattan-Rochester 
Coalition. The work of the coalition was mostly offensive in nature, rather than 
defensive as they would claim. Defensive work suggests protection at home, but 
offensive work suggests something quite different; it suggests the development and 
testing of devastating new weapons for use in other countries. Moreover, given the types 
of weapons being developed under the direction of the coalition, it suggests the targeted 
use of the weapons on civilian populations overseas. This smacks of imperialism. 

Indeed, imperialistic military underpinnings of the vast new complex headed by the 
group referred to here as the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, supported, directed, and 



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financed the network through the U.S. military, to develop new weapons technology for 
use overseas. After World War II, deeply embedded in the military and political 
discourse, was a shift in focus to the development of weapons by the Soviets. 
Surprisingly, this topic does not find its way into the documentation or narratives of 
scientists in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. It was clearly not used as a motivator in 
which to engage the scientists in their military endeavor (it was however, used as public 
rationale). Yet, there was a silent global context looming at the edges, that the men in the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition were perhaps unwilling to discuss from their isolated 
seats inside. They understood all too well, given their participation in the atomic bombs 
dropped at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the implication that these highly deadly weapons 
would ultimately be used in warfare to target non- American civilians. 

THE CONSTRUCT OF DEHUMANIZATION 

Dehumanization is one key element that scholars agree constitutes the underpinning of 
victimization. It is connected in the literature to a host of social ills, ranging from and 
including discrimination and racism, to the ultimate violence of genocide (Adams, G.; 
Agamben, G.; Arendt, H.; Hooks, G.; Katz, F. Kelman; Pilisuk, M). Arendt recounts 
how certain groups in Germany were set up for dehumanization; this “set up” included 
early abandonment by peers (Arendt, 1994: 125). Guy Adams discusses dehumanization 
in combination with rationalization (Adams, Guy, and Danny Balfour: 9; 41; 60). 
Dehumanization can occur through distancing, whether physical or psychosocial. The 
sheer physical distance between countries can create a buffer in which to deny social 
action for atrocities that occur far away. “It’s their problem”; “We have other problems 



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right here”; “It doesn’t affect me or ‘us’”, placate inaction of distant, although otherwise 

concerned citizens. Yet, Cohen argues that the “boundaries of ‘moral impingement’ have 

been widened due to an increased access to information through international 

humanitarian agencies, internet availability, and global televised news (Cohen, 2001: 

290). “For a premodem ‘morality of proximity’ to acknowledge the plight of distant 

strangers demands some leap of identification. This in turn. . .assumes a natural or 

universal human identity, at least ‘in the basic fraternity of hunger, thirst, cold, 

exhaustion, loneliness or sexual passion” (Cohen, 2001: 290 and Cohen quoting 

Zygmunt Bauman: 290.) In sum, “there is only one way to include the distant stranger: 

to define the threshold of the intolerable as exactly the same for everybody ” (Cohen, 

2001 : 293). Yet, distance can be created any number of ways. Most obviously, distance 

can begin through physical distance, as in global placement. When partnered with 

poverty, a nameless dehumanized “other” can become invisible. Distance can be created 

through cultural difference that is reinforced. If it is reinforced that a particular group is 

fundamentally different from ones own, than they can become dehumanized, and distance 

is created and/or increased. Rhetoric or plausible arguments can then be effective in 

further dehumanizing, or in justifying harmful actions against a targeted group. 

According to Kellman and Hamilton, 

As long as victims are out of sight, it is easier to forget that there are real 
human beings who are being harmed by one’s actions. Thus, it is easier to 
kill people by dropping a bomb on a distant target or pushing a button at a 
missile-launching station than it is to kill face to face (Kelman, Herbert & 

V. Lee Hamilton: 163). 

Distance can be incorporated during war situations through strategic weaponry — trigger 
from afar, computer programs, standoff munitions capability, and even through official 



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chain of command. 96 Thus, a social-psychological distancing is created for soldiers in 
battle, which allows them even less discomfort for fighting and killing an already-vilified 
and dehumanized enemy. In a unique situation such as war, norms are suspended or 
annulled, according to Georgio Agamben (Agamben: 34). This can create a state of 
exception, or zone of indifference whereby victims are viewed as dehumanized non- 
entities. This results in the “suspension of. . .those constitutional nonns that protect 
individual liberties” (Agamben: 5). In other words, laws that accord protection and 
rights to citizens, are annulled in regard to a particular group of victims, whereby they 
experience involuntary exclusion. The creation of a state of exception is a particularly 
useful tool for those in power during a state of war. One example of an attempt to 
establish a state of exception during the time period of creation of the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition stands out: 



In 1944 and 1945, two periodicals with very different audiences published 
similar images. Both showed half-human, half-insect creatures, talked of the 
‘annihilation’ of these vermin, and touted modem technology as the means to 
accomplish that end. One piece, a cartoon in the United States Marines’ 
magazine Leatherneck, showed a creature labeled ‘ Louseous Japanicas ’ and 
said its ‘breeding grounds around the Tokyo area... must be completely 
annihilated. A month after the cartoon appeared, the United States began mass 
incendiary bombings of Japanese cities, followed by the atomic blasts that 
leveled Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Russell, E., 1996: 1505). 

The second image, according to Russell, was an illustration in a chemical industry journal 

that promoted perfumes to mask new insecticides such as DDT. The advertisement text 

led with the provocative phrase, “speaking of annihilation”. 



96 Distancing is even engaged during execution by firing squad, where one person out of eight has a live round 
capability and is thus the executioner. This strategy creates an emotional distancing where each person has a 
social-psychological buffer of seven other potential executors, and the odds are that the executioner is another 
individual. 



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The accompanying image showed three creatures with insect bodies, each with 
a stereotypical head representing a national enemy. The Italian creature lay on 
its back, an allusion to Allied victory over the Italian anny. The German and 
Japanese creatures remained standing, as guns blasted all three with chemical 
clouds (Russell, 1996: 1505). 

Household and agricultural chemicals were often one and the same as those for use in 
chemical weapons. Russell points out that, 



the science and technology of pest control sometimes became the science 
and technology of war, and vice versa. Chemists, entomologists, and 
military researchers knew that chemicals toxic to one species often killed 
others, so they developed similar chemicals to fight human and insect 
enemies. They also developed similar methods of dispersing chemicals 
to poison both (Russell, 1996: 1509). 

Shared metaphors, images, and terms (i.e. exterminate) helped support a military- 
industrial developed claim that advancement of warfare techniques would make for a 
better world, as these undesirable “pests” would be eliminated. For example, Monsanto 
“advertised that ‘chemical warfare defeats moths and larvae” (Russell, 1996: 1523). 
These arguments served the ends of industry and the military quite effectively, and 
scientists could find a chemical, biological or nuclear “solution” to this problem, as well 
as add legitimacy to their effort. “By dehumanizing enemies, animal metaphors reduced 
the sense of guilt about killing human beings in battle” (Russell, 1996: 1512). 
Dehumanization thus creates justification, and a moral distancing from the targeted 
victims of warfare. This moral distancing allows for annihilation with greater emotional 
ease, for troops and civilian supporters. According to Russell, “describing war as an 
exercise in control of nature helped define war as not just morally permissible, but 
morally necessary” to gain support for military goals (Russell, 1996: 1513). 
Dehumanization that creates psychological or moral distancing occurs when victims are 



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“categorized as inferior or dangerous beings and identified by derogatory labels- so that 



they are excluded from the bonds of human empathy and protection of moral rules” 
(Kelman: 336). 97 

MILITARISM, IMPERIALISM, AND EMPIRE 

One cannot recognize that deadly weapons were researched, developed, and intended for 
use on non- American civilians in the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition story, without 
recognizing the looming cloud of war, and the lingering contribution of American 
imperialism. Chalmers Johnson argued that, “wars and imperialism are Siamese twins 
joined at the hip. Each thrives off the other. They cannot be separated. Imperialism is 
the single-greatest cause of war, and war is the midwife of new imperialist acquisitions” 
(Johnson: 187). Richard Kaufman echoes Johnson, agreeing that militarism and 
imperialism are distinctive, and that militarism is a tool for imperialism. “Imperialism 
looks to increase size and territory; militarism covets more men and more money. The 
former is outward looking, the latter inward looking. An imperialistic nation seeks to 
dominate foreign peoples. A militaristic nation seeks to control its own people” 
(Kaufman, 171). Indeed, we see both features in the St. Louis aerosol case study, and 
within the larger context of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition. Kaufman looks to 
sociologist Joseph Schumpeter, who examined Rome as a classic example of imperialism 
(through militarism). The historical scene is described vividly, whereby Rome, 



Kelman, et al., points out that often ‘neutralized’ (or forgotten) victims can gain salience only by overtly 
complaining: by engaging in legal conflict or publicity. Regarding the deconstruction of dehumanization, Kelman 
recommends programs and efforts to promote social norms against dehumanization, to individualize victims wherever 
possible, and to be “critically alert to dehumanizing messages conveyed by ideologies that glorify and romanticize 
violence” (p. 336-37). 



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. . .pretends to aspire to peace, but unerringly generates war, the policy of 
continual preparation for war, the policy of meddlesome interventionism. 

There was no corner of the known world where some interests were not alleged 
to be in danger or under actual attack. If the interests were not Roman, they 
were those of Rome’s allies; and if Rome had no allies, then allies would be 
invented. When it was utterly impossible to contrive such an interest- why, 
then it was the national honor that had been insulted. The fight was always 
invested with an aura of legality. Rome was always being attacked by evil- 
minded neighbors, always fighting for a breathing space. The whole world 
was pervaded by a host of enemies, and it was manifestly Rome’s duty to guard 
against their indubitably aggressive designs. (Schumpeter , as cited by 
Kaufman, 171). 

Indeed, we may see Roman design in Western policy. “Since the end of World War II, 
American governments have offered many rationales for the bases they were collecting 
around the world, including containing Communism, warding off the ‘domino theory’, 
fighting ‘ethnic cleansing’, and preventing the spread of ‘weapons of mass destruction’ 
(Johnson: 188). Militarism is thus publicly presented or justified as moral, or at least 
more moral than one’s (dehumanized) enemy. “The ‘just war’ is effectively supported by 
the ‘moral police’, just as the validity of imperial right and its legitimate functioning is 
supported by the necessary and continuous exercise of police power (Hardt and Negri, 
2000: 37-38). “Over time, if a nation’s aims become imperial, the bases fonn the 
skeleton of an empire (Johnson: 187). 



Hardt and Negri drew however, a significant contrast between imperialism and empire. 
Imperialism is defined as “an extension of the sovereignty of the European nation-states 
beyond their own boundaries”, whereby “all the world’s territories could be parceled out 
and the entire world map could be coded in European colors. . .” (Hardt & Negri: xii). 
Yet, imperialism is thus, a phenomenon of the past, replaced by a flexible, decentralized 

98 

Schumpeter, Joseph (1951). Imperialism and Social Classes. New York: Augustus M. Kelly, p. 66. 



211 





apparatus of rule that is highly networked and with no traditional center of power. This 
new “order”, which emerged from Eurocentric roots, is according to Hardt and Negri, 
known as empire. 



Empire presents its rule not as a transitory moment in the movement of history, 
but as a regime with no temporal boundaries and in this sense outside of history 
or at the end of history. . .empire not only manages a territory and a population 
but also creates the very world it inhabits. It not only regulates human 
interactions but also seeks directly to rule over human nature. The object of its 
rule is social life in its entirety, and thus Empire presents the paradigmatic form of 
biopower (Hardt, et al., xv). 



Rather than competing empires, Hardt and Negri envisioned a network of empire. Yet 
Johnson’s view of a network of military bases, “vaguely legitimized through alliances 
and mutual security pacts” as the new “institutional form” that the new imperialism took 
(Johnson: 193). Johnson’s view is close to Hardt and Negri’s vision. 



Who benefits most from this network of empire? First, in addition to political elites, 
career military personnel and economic elites such as defense contractors, stand to 
benefit greatly. “Wars. . . promote the growth of the military and are a great advertising 
medium for power and effectiveness of our weapons- and the companies that make them, 
which can then more easily peddle them to others” (Johnson: 214). When closely 
examined, evidence indicates that the military benefitted greatly from the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition, as they quietly controlled the actions and activity of the group. A 
pattern emerges of purposeful layering of deception beneath a public narrative by the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition, however. This can be seen in 1) the claimed ZnCdS 
study in St. Louis; 2) the claimed radium-only study in Project SUNSHINE, and 3) the 



212 




secret spraying of radioactive dust, beads, and other radioactive materials, concurrent 
with publicly acknowledged studies by Dugway. 

It is apparent through close examination, that the military assumed control of the 
Manhattan-Rochester Coalition and thus, represented the silent belly of the beast. Like 
their well-worn tactic of layering secrets below secrets, however, it leads one to question 
whether hiding under the belly of a militarized beast, is in fact, another layer of deception 
and raw power, in the form of an industrial behemoth. Was in fact, the military serving 
as a tool for economic interests in this case? One can certainly envision that military 
domination can and does open a door for economic exploitation, global expansion of 
territory, market opportunities, industrial base expansion, as well as provide to economic 
interests, access to resources including raw materials, and cheap labor. In this case study, 
one can see a plausible argument that industry could in fact, have been the secret 
underbelly of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition’s efforts, and it absolutely served 
industry’s interests in many ways to quietly orchestrate from the underbelly of the beast. 

Empire benefits the most powerful people within the most powerful nation-states- those 
entities within the military-industrial complex, and more tenuously, those in the high- 
level political realm. A military-backed push by economic and political elites towards 
the frontiers of “free markets”, ensures more growth and thus, more global power, under 
the vanguard of a westernized vision of “modernization” that is often ill fitting, and in all 
regards, insulting. “It is critically important to understand that the doctrine of globalism is 
a kind of intellectual sedative that lulls and distracts its Third World victims while rich 



213 




countries cripple them, ensuring that they will never be able to challenge the imperial 
powers” (Johnson: 261). In combination with militarism, that constitutes a power that 
seemingly cannot be challenged. One could argue with some plausibility from all 
evidence included in this paper, that the covert targeting by the military of civilians 
anywhere by any given nation-state, opens up the door to the targeting of that country’s 
own civilians with military weaponry. 



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CONCLUSION 



No single theory explains how organizational members systematically fail to develop a 
moral response or reject immoral, unethical, illegal, or harmful activities. Many good 
theoretical explanations have been advanced, and all present a reasonable contribution 
towards understanding this complex phenomenon. Indeed, it appears that a number of 
factors 1) inherent to bureaucracies, 2) found in group dynamics, 3) that occur through 
social distancing, dehumanization, states of exception, and zones of exclusion, 4) through 
human attributes that are commonly viewed as positive and desirable, and 5) through 
efforts of packaging favorable infonnation while withholding other substantive 
information, organizations routinely fail to develop moral responses to its own actions. 
When partnered with manipulative organizational tactics that actively suppress 
information so that internal dissent is diffused, we can thus explain through ethical 
autism, why a large number of “normal” persons inside an organization engage willingly 
in acts that are harmful to others. When officials manipulate (through various tactics) 
information outflow to those outside the organization in an effort to deceive, manipulate, 
or impede understanding of events related to organizational activity, a social autism is 
engineered and constructed. Social autism blocks the ability of outsiders to detennine or 
fully understand ethical failures, and illegal or harmful activity by an organization. 
Through a variety of factors previously identified by various scholars, along with 
mechanisms that bring about ethical and social autisms, we can understand how 
unethical, illegal, or harmful organizational acts can occur that involve a large number of 
participants, and rotation of personnel over time, without public knowledge or debate, or 



215 




either internal or external dissent. Secrecy and mechanisms are used purposely to initiate 
ethical autism within the organization, and social autism external to the organization, so 
that the organization’s goals will be met unchallenged by insiders and by outsiders in the 
larger arena of public discourse. Indeed, these mechanisms have been utilized to 
undennine responsive action in a show of internal/ external control and power. Social and 
ethical autisms were engineered internally and externally in the case of the Manhattan- 
Rochester Coalition, so the U.S. military and economic interests could engage in non- 
nonnative actions that benefitted them, and presumably would have been rejected by 
targeted populations, the general external population, and perhaps as well by internal 
participants. 

The role of social and ethical autism was crucial to test without interruption, offensive 
military weapons on uninformed and mi sin fanned civilians in St. Louis. Officials both 
inside the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition and within their vast and complex network, 
layered secrets upon secrets, to protect their goal of advancing military and industrial 
interests. In turn, world power and imperialism were also advanced, induced by the 
mechanisms that produced ethical and social autism. Thus, deceived and dehumanized 
civilians both home and overseas, became victims caught in the crosshairs of empire. 



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228 




APPENDIX A 



AFTERWORD 



This piece is an extension of my Master’s thesis, which focused on the chemical weapon Agent 
Orange, and what 1 believe was the improper and reckless disposal of that agent all over eastern 
Missouri. Initially, 1 believed that the spraying of zinc-cadmium-sulfide in St. Louis to be an 
issue of a hazardous toxin being sprayed without consent. 1 had no inkling whatsoever that the 
St. Louis aerosol study might be related to a vast project undertaken by a clandestine group of 
Manhattan Project scientists developing the most sinister weapons of war in the form of 
radionuclide materials such as radioactive dust, beads, pellets, and smoke. 

There came a brief period of time when 1 felt overwhelmed by some of the revelations related to 
the human-subject tests, and was not sure if 1 had the fortitude to continue this project. 1 felt 
physically ill as 1 read about how radioactive oatmeal was fed to institutionalized children (and 
moreover, sponsored by Quaker Oats); stolen cadavers including infants; radioactive injections 
into ill and/or pregnant patients without their consent or knowledge, etc. The blatant and cavalier 
targeting of vulnerable populations by some of the nation’s top scientists and physicians, backed 
by the U.S. military, was a chilling and gross violation of human rights. 

Ultimately revealed, was a complex network in a vast military-industrial-scientific machine of 
war, encircled with deception and manipulations to maintain secrecy and allow continuance of 
their quest for an unrivaled global empire. This required dehumanization of certain groups, lying 
by omission, layering of secrets, internal and external controls of information, threat, engaging 
particular qualities in individuals that aligned with the group’s goals, and the quashing of dissent, 
inside and out. Secrecy, rhetoric, and other machinations were purposely used to undermine 



229 




responsive actions inside the organization, and outside in the larger arena of public discourse. 

This is absolutely connected to power, and there was no existing theory that 1 could find to 
explain the types and levels of manipulation used internally and externally by the elites involved 
in the coalition, to avoid internal dissent and public opposition. The large support staff who 
completed the daily tasks at the behest of the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition elites, who 
themselves appear to have engaged in outright criminal actions, may not even have been aware of 
the larger project in which they participated. The “thousand people below” those elite decision- 
makers were likely ordinary, patriotic, and moral in other spheres of their lives. Indeed, we 
would consider most of them to be good citizens and members of the community, and fine family 
members. When the thousand people below contributed to the Manhattan-Rochester Coalition’s 
wide-scale projects, such as SUNSHINE, many of them likely did not have an ethical sense, in 
that it had been purposely disengaged through the elite’s use of mechanisms (described herein) to 
create ethical autism. In this way, educated, moral, and ethical individuals below the top decision 
makers (who bear much of the legacy and responsibility here), were induced to contribute to 
unethical, harmful, and/or criminal actions in which they might never ordinarily play a part, given 
full knowledge of the project. As well, the general public and the targeted vulnerable populations 
were also disengaged from critical analysis through social autism, which was also induced 
through the use of the mechanisms described in this study. 



230 




St. Louis 1953 ZnCdS Dispersion Test Data 



Highest Exp: 
ug/m3/Cum 
Highest 
Exp 

(Point/Area) 


Missing 






Missing 


72 


Missing 


400 


Missing 


Missing 


175 


Missing 


Missing 


100 


Missing 


C" 


OC 

m 


Missing 


23 


Missing 


Missing 


ON 


Missing 


Highest 

Exposure 

ug/m3 


Missing 






o 

in 


22 


cn 

oc 


317 


Missing 


67 


O 

in 


230 


Missing 


67 


in 

<N 


r- 


cn 


<N 


Missing 




cn 




Missing 


LENGTH 

OF 

SPRAY/ 

yds. 




























o 

o 

uT 




5,300 


o 

o 

V© 

o' 


10,750 










DISPERSAL 

TIME/ 

mins. 


in 






in 


in 


in 


in 




in 


in 


in 


3.66 


in 


ZVZl 


in 


11/2 


23.12 


25.35 


in 


in 


in 


in 


MASS/ 

g- 


<N 






12.6 


roi 


9.4 






9.6 


roi 


<N 


no 


12.9 


290.2 


12.2 


95 


760.2 


835.3 


12.3 


12.6 


11.5 


in 


TYPE 


Point 






Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Line 


Point 


Line 


Line 


Line 


Point 


Point 


Point 


Point 


AREA 


Able 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


How 


Citywi 

de 


Citywi 

de 


How 


How 


How 


Item 


TIME 


23:05 


Training 


Training 


20:11 


o 

(N 


20:17 


22:05 


19:56 


21:10 


22:35 


NO 

O 

O 

<N 


21:17 


22:35 


23:35 


01:26 


03:35 


20:56 


22:51 


13:09 


14:37 


15:55 


20:36 


TEST 


FT0009c 


FTlOOla 


FTlOOlb 


FT 1002a 


-O 

<N 

O 

O 

H 


FT1003a 


FT 1003b 


FT 1004a 


FT 1004b 


FT 1004c 


FT1005a 


FT1005b 


FT1005C 


FT 1006a 


FT 1006b 


FT 1006c 


FT 1007a 


FT 1007b 


FT1008a 


-O 

oo 

o 

o 

H 


FT1008c 


FT 1009a 


DATE 


Mon 2/9/53 


Mon 5/18/53 


Mon 5/18/53 


Weds 5/20/53 


Weds 5/20/53 


Fri 5/22/53 


Fri 5/22/53 


Mon 5/25/53 


Mon 5/25/53 


Mon 5/25/53 


Thur 5/28/53 


Thur 5/28/53 


Thur 5/28/53 


Sat 5/30/53 


Sun 5/3 1/53 


Sun 5/3 1/53 


Thur 6/25/53 


Fri 6/26/53 


Sun 6/7/53 


Sun 6/7/53 


Sun 6/7/53 


Tue 6/9/53 



231 





^t" 

m 


Missing 


VO 


OO 


cn 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


407 


Missing 


1,898 


Missing 


27 


Missing 


1,067 








r- 


m 


Missing 


OO 


m 


cn 


in 

<N 


cn 

oo 


o 

^r 

CN 


C" 

VO 


CN 


r- 

00 

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cn 


cn 


o 

o 


r- 

VO 

VO 


















o 

o 

M2 

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t" 

co 


Missing 


in 

N" 

m 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 


Missing 








in 


in 


in 


in 


in 




in 


in 


in 


in 


in 


in 


in 


in 


in 


in 








9.6 


in 

CN 

oo 




cn 

os 


in 

cn 


cn 

so 

os 

<n 


00 

(N 


oo 


in 

os 


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CN 


in 

oo 


in 

CN 


r4 

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CN 

CN* 

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CN 


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cn 

CN 






* 

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in 

C" 

c-^ 

CN 


Point 


g 

"o 

(^H 


g 

"o 

Oh 


H-H 

g 

"o 

Oh 


H-H 

_g 

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Oh 


a> 

a 

23 


Two 

Point 


Dual 

Point 


Two 

Point 


Dual 

Point 


Two 

Point 


Dual 

Point 


Two 

Point 


Dual 

Point 


Two 

Point 


Dual 

Point 






Total 

Known 


Item 


s 

CD 
n— » 

hH 


a 

CD 

N— * 

HH 


5 

CD 
h- * 

HH 


S 

(D 

H 

HH 


5 

(D 

■H 

HH 


5 

CD 

•H 

HH 


5 

CD 

■H 

HH 


£ 

o 

X 


£ 

o 

X 


5 

CD 

■H 

HH 


S 

CD 

H-» 

HH 


5 

CD 

N— » 

HH 


5 

CD 

N—» 

HH 


£ 

o 

X 


£ 

o 

X 








22:19 


o 

CN 


<n 

CN 

CN 


23:50 


in 

"sf 

o 

<N 


LZ-ZZ 


in 

<N 


22:47 


23:40 


o 

o 

o 


o 

o 

rb 

o 


o 

4r 

o 


o 

4r" 

o 


o 

in 


20:17 


21:46 








FT 1009b 


FTlOlOa 


FTlOlOb 


FTlOlla 


FT1012a 


FT1012b 


FT1013a 


FT1013b 


FT1014a 


FT1014b 


FT1015a 


FT1015b 


FT1016a 


FT1016b 


FT1017a 


FT1017b 


Unknown 


Unknown 




Tues 6/9/53 


Thur 6/1 1/53 


Thur 6/1 1/53 


Sat 6/13/53 


Mon 6/15/53 


Mon 6/15/53 


Thur 6/18/53 


Thur 6/18/53 


Sat 6/20/53 


Sat 6/20/53 


Sat 6/20/53 


Sat 6/20/53 


Sun 6/21/53 


Sun 6/21/53 


Tue 6/23/53 


Tue 6/23/53 


Nov 9-Nov 30 
1953 


Dec 1-Jan 20 
1954 





232 















. Research Council. Toxicologic Assessment of the Army ’s Zinc Cadmium Sulfide Dispersion Test ( 1 997b) 










































Releas 

es 










































^Includes 
“allowance” for 
“missing data”, 
per National 
Research Council 




“Missing”= Gap 
in data 




Source: National 



233 




APPENDIX C 



PENETRATION OF BUILDINGS IN ST. LOUIS (MAY- JUNE 1953) 







RELATIVE 


DOSES 






HEIGHT 

RANGE 

(ft) 


NO. OF 
SAMPLES 


MEDIAN % 


INTERQUARTILE 
RANGE % 


EXTREME 
RANGE % 




Basement 


53 


33 


14-100 


0-1,800 




6-50 


26 


42 


16-100 


1-1,250 




51-100 


37 


45 


16-78 


0-175% 




101-200 


26 


26 


3-77 


0-877 




GROSS 


142 


34 


13-93 


0-1,800 





Source: National Research Council; Toxicologic Assessment of the Army ’s Zinc 
Cadmium Sulfide Dispersion Tests. (1997b: 277). 

The National Research Council qualifies the building penetration information with the 
following addendums: “No complete summary of all the tests perfonned. . .is available, 
and the results of some tests were not reported anywhere. . .critical pages. . .are 
missing... so that certain details (particularly the amounts of material released) are not 
available for some tests”. As well, “individual digits of some of the numbers might be 
incorrect, because of unreadable script in the available reports” (National Research 
Council, 1997b: 278.) “Some required pages of the available documents were not 
reproduced in their entirety in the available copies”. . .’’exposures are primarily estimates 
based on contours visible on the fold-out pages for. . . St. Louis” (National Research 
Council, 1997b: 279). 



234 





APPENDIX D 



SYNOPSIS OF FINDINGS OF GAO’S DOE’S HUMAN TISSUE ANALYSIS 

(As prepared for Senator John Glenn, Committee on Governmental Affairs, May 24, 

1995 by the US General Accounting Office). The following represents AEC-sponsored 
human tissue tests only; all are related to the testing and effects of radioactive isotopes in 
the human body. The infonnation was compiled by the GAO from May, 1994 to March, 
1995. 



1) PROJECT SUNSHINE-Strontium 90 in Man (Based on World-wide 
sampling) 

Description: Festuses, single bone samples, and whole medical skeletons of subjects who 
had been autopsied were procured from medical scientists worldwide. The study’s 
objective was to determine the strontium-90 content in humans. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Primarily 17 stations worldwide, including New 
York City, Boston, Houston, and Denver. 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 9,000 samples of human bone were procured, including 
fetuses, single bone samples from individuals of all ages, and whole skeletons. Samples 
from 584 whole fetuses were collected between 1954 and 1959. 



2) LOS ALAMOS GENERAL POPULATION STUDY 

Description: Tissue was obtained during autopsies performed at various hospitals 
throughout the country, and were tested for plutonium levels. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1959 to 1985 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1,712 

3) THYROID COLLECTION PROGRAM 

Description: Thyroid glands were obtained at autopsies nationwide and sent 
to Oak Ridge for analysis. The study’s objective was to measure radioactive 
iodine introduced in the body. 



DURATION OF STUDY: 1954 to 1958 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Oak Ridge Institute for Nuclear Studies 



235 




NUMBER OF SUBJECTS : 1,165 



4) UNITED STATES TRANSURANIUM AND URANIUM REGISTRIES 

Description: Analysis of tissues and whole bodies, from volunteers. Some 
tissue solutions and related materials are stored for future study in a national 
tissue repository. 



DURATION OF STUDY: 1 968 to present. 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Washington State University 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 726—383 living and 343 deceased 

5) TRACE ELEMENTS IN HUMAN TISSUE 

Description: Tissues and organ were collected from autopsy subjects within 
Africa, the Near and Far East, Switzerland, and the United States. The U.S. 
cities participating in the study included San Francisco, Cal.; Denver, 
Colorado; Miami, Florida; Atlanta, GA; Baltimore, MD; Dallas, TX; 
Richmond, VA; Seattle, WA; Tacoma, WA. The study’s objective was to 
detennine the chemical element content of many tissues and organs from 
members of the general population. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950s to 1970s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Tennessee and Oak Ridge National 
Labs 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 450 



6) TISSUE SAMPLING FOR PLUTONIUM THROUGH AN AUTOPSY 
PROGRAM (HANFORD). 

Description: Researchers obtained various tissue samples at autopsy from 
deceased persons from two groups: those who had resided locally or some 
distance from Hanford (344 people), and those who were employed at the 
Hanford facility, and may have been exposed to plutonium at work (77 
people). 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1 949 to 1 975 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Hanford Site, Richland, Washington 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 421 



236 




7) ARGONNE RADIUM STUDY 

Description: Tissue was obtained from living and deceased persons who were 
exposed to radium, either through the workplace or purposely. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Mid 1940s to early 1990s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne National Labs 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 293 

8) LOS ALAMOS STUDY OF OCCUPATIONALLY-EXPOSED WORKERS 

Description: Tissue was taken from former lab workers during autopsies 
perfonned at local hospitals and sent to Los Alamos National Lab. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1959 to 1978 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Approximately 254 



9) LUNG CANCER IN URANIUM MINERS: PILOT INVESTIGATION 

Description: Lung tissues taken from people through biopsies of uranium 
miners and from the general population; samples were analyzed and stored for 
future study. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1 99 1 to 1 995 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: New Mexico Tumor Registry, Cancer Research 
and Treatment Center, Albuquerque, NM. 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 150 



10) EVALUATION OF RESIDUAL RADIOACTIVITY IN HUMAN TISSUE 
ASSOCIATED WITH WEAPONS TESTING AT THE NEVADA TEST 
SITE 

Description: The University of Utah obtained tissues at autopsy or surgery 
from 44 subjects in northern Utah and 3 1 subjects in southern Utah. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1 98 1 to 1 986 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Utah (funded by the Defense 
Nuclear Agency through DOE). 



237 




NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 115 



11) REVIEW OF PATIENTS WITH CANCER OF THE OVARY 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained from ovarian cancer patients, who 
was given radioisotopes. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950 to 1961 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 95 women, 65 received a radioisotope. 

12) STUDY OF BONE MARROW FIBROSIS IN CERTAIN PATIENTS 

Description: Specimens of bone marrow were obtained at autopsy from 
patients with bone marrow disorders who were admitted to ORINS hospital 
during the study period. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950 to 1967 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 90 



13) TESTICULAR IRRADIATION OF INMATES AT OREGON STATE 
PRISON 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained from prisoners who were 
subjected to testicular irradiation by x-rays. Each test subject agreed to have a 
vasectomy post irradiation. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1 963 to 1 97 1 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Pacific Northwest Research Foundation 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 67 



14) TESTICULAR IRRADIATION OF INMATES AT WASHINGTON 
STATE PRISON 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained from prisoners who were 
subjected to testicular irradiation by x-rays. The study was reportedly 
proposed after a radiation accident at DOE’s Hanford facility. 



238 




DURATION OF STUDY: 1963 to 1970 



PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Washington 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 64 



15) PROJECT GABRIEL 

Description: The bodies of stillborn babies were cremated and the amount of 
strontium-90 in their remains was measured. Two adult legs were also 
analyzed during this study. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Early to mid-1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Chicago 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 59 



16) CHOLESTEROL METABOLISM IN CORONARY PATIENTS 

Description: The University of Chicago hospital perfonned autopsies on 
several people and later provided tissue samples to the Los Alamos National 
Laboratory to be analyzed for tritium. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1955 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory/University of 
Chicago 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Approximately 34 



17) RADIUM CONTENT OF INDIVIDUALS (ADULTS AND STILLBORN 
INFANTS) WITH NO KNOWN OCCUPATIONAL EXPOSURE 

Description: Radium analyses were made on the bodies of adults and stillborn 
babies. The bodies were, for the most part, embalmed and had been used for 
instruction purposes in an anatomy course. Note: Stillborn infants had an 
“appreciable concentration of radium in their body ash.” 

DURATION OF STUDY: Approximately 1950 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Rochester 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 25 adults and 6 stillborn infants 



239 




18) NONREGISTRY URANIUM WORKERS 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained at autopsies from employees at 
the Femald Plant whose deaths were unrelated to their occupations and from 
subjects not employed at the plant who died at a neighboring hospital. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1956 to mid-1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Feed Materials Production Center, Fernald, Ohio 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 22 



19) PLUTONIUM INJECTION CASES 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained through biopsy or autopsy from 
hospital patients who had been injected with plutonium. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1945 to 1947 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory; Manhattan 
Engineer District Hospital, Oak Ridge, Tennessee; the University of Rochester; the 
University of Chicago; and the University of California. 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 18 (at least 10 were biopsied or autopsied). 

20) ABORTED FETUS STUDY 

Description: Aborted fetuses from 22 weeks old to 26 weeks old — obtained 
from the University of Kansas Medical Center — were analyzed for plutonium, 
americium, uranium, and thorium. The analyzed tissue parts included the fetal 
head, body, placenta, and cord." 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1982 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 17 



21) SODIUM-24 CHROMATE USED TO MEASURE RED CELL SURVIVAL 
TIMES IN SUBJECTS WITH LIVER DISEASES 

Description: Tissue was obtained through biopsy of patients with liver 
disease who were administered sodium-24. 



The rationale for obtaining the fetuses was that “the women had signed abortion consent forms, which automatically 
transferred custody of the aborted bodies (including the placenta, cord, and other parts), to the hospital, whereby the 
parts were transferred or sold to Los Alamos. Also note that some of the aborted fetus studies involved injection of the 
mother with radionuclides to measure placenta barrier rate to the festus. 



240 




DURATION OF STUDY: 1953 



PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 15 



22) AUTOPSY STUDIES OF DISTRIBUTION OF GAFFIUM-72. 

Description: Tissue samples were obtained at autopsy from subjects given 
therapeutic or tracer doses of gallium-72. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950 to 1953 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 14 



23) RADIUM-226 AND LEAD-210 IN HUMAN TEETH AND BONES 

Description: Bone and tooth materials were extracted from a group of bodies 
donated for anatomical study; the subjects ranged in ages from 40 to 90 years 
with a median age of 63. 

DURATION OF STUDY: mid- 1 960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Rochester 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 13 



24) STRONTIUM AND CAFCIUM INJECTED IN TERMINAL CANCER 
PATIENTS 

Description: Tissue was obtained from terminal cancer patients who had been 
injected with radioactive strontium or calcium. The patients were chosen 
because they could be autopsied “fairly soon after injection”. Patients ranged 
in age from 49 to 72. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950s 



241 




PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Columbia University and Montefiore Hospital- 
New York 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 12 



25) LUNG AND ABDOMINAL INJECTION OF RADIOACTIVE GOLD 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from patients with tumors who 
had been injected with radioactive gold. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Early 1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 12 



26) INECTIONS IN PATIENTS FOLLOWING TOTAL-BODY 
IRRADIATION 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from patients who had received 
high doses of radiation to the whole body. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Early 1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 12 



27) ARSENIC-76 BIODISTRIBUTION AND EXCRETION STUDIES 

Description: Tissue was obtained through either biopsy or autopsy from 
patients with various type of cancers who had been injected with radioactive 
arsenic. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1947 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 12 



28) BOSTON-OAK RIDGE INTRAVENOUS INJECTIONS 



242 




Description: Tissue was obtained from patients with terminal brain tumors 
who had been injected with uranium. Using terminal subjects provided the 
“advantage”, according to one scientific paper, that the distribution of uranium 
in the body could be determined after autopsy. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1953 to 1957 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Massachusetts General Hospital (injections 
performed) and Oak Ridge National Laboratory (uranium solution prepared and tissue 
analyzed.) 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 11 

29) PATHOLOGIC CHANGES IN NORMAL HUMAN THYROID TISSUE 
FOLLOWING LARGE DOSES OF IODINE-131 

Description: Thyroid tissue was obtained from patients who had received 
large doses of radioactive iodine- 131. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950 to 1953 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS : 1 0 



30) DEVELOPMENT OF IODINE-131 LABELED FLUORESCEIN AS A 
BRAIN TUMOR IMAGING AGENT 

Description: Tissue was obtained through either biopsy or autopsy from 
patients suspected of having brain tumors who had been injected with 
fluorescein, a radioisotope. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1960 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 10 



31) MOLECULAR MECHANISMS IN RADIATION-INDUCED BREAST 
CANCER 

Description: Tissue was removed during breast reduction surgery on “certain 
patients”. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1993 to 1994 



243 




PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Texas, Galveston 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 10 



32) STUDY OF THE ORIGIN OF STERIOD HORMONES USING TRITIUM 
AND CARBON-14 LABELED COMPOUNDS 

Description: Tissue was obtained through surgery from patients who were to 
have their adrenal glands removed or were scheduled to have a therapeutic 
abortion. Aborted fetuses, removed adrenal glands, and other biopsy tissue 
samples were analyzed. The patients were administered a radioactive tritium 
compound before surgery and a carbon-labeled compound during surgery. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1955 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital and Los 
Alamos National Laboratory 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 7 



33) LOS ALAMOS NATIONAL LABORATORY CORONERS’ CASES 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from various subjects who had 
been declared coroners’ cases. The coroner’s “ultimate objective was to 
detennine whether the subject’s exposure to radioactivity was sufficient to 
have contributed to the cause of death”. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1973 to approximately 1985 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos National Laboratory 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: At least 5. 



34) UTAH STRONTIUM-85 METABOLISM STUDY 

Description: Tissue was obtained through biopsy or autopsy on patients who 
had been injected with strontium-85. The study’s objective was to study the 
uptake, retention, and excretion of strontium-85 in humans. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1956 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Utah Radiobiology 



244 




NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 5 



35) UPTAKE OF TRITIATED THYMIDINE BY TUMORS IN CANCER 
PATIENTS 

Description: Tissue was obtained from four cancer patients scheduled for 
surgery who had been given radioactive tritiated thymidine. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1962 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Northwestern University Medical School; 
Veterans Administration Research Hospital; and Argonne National Laboratory 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



36) DISTRIBUTION OF THOROTRAST IN THE BODY 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from patients who had been 
injected with thorotrast, a naturally occurring radioactive material used for 
medical diagnosis. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Rochester and the US Naval 
Hospital-Bethesda, MD 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



37) STUDIES OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF RADIOLABLED LEWISTE AND 
MUSTARD GAS ON SKIN 

Description: Tissue was obtained through biopsy from subjects who had 
small areas of their skin exposed to two chemical-warfare gases- lewisite and 
mustard gas. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1947 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Crocker Radiation Laboratory, University of 
California at Berkeley, and the University of California Medical School in San Francisco. 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



245 




38) METABOLISM OF STRONTIUM-85 IN HUMAN BEINGS 

Description: Tissue was obtained via autopsies from patients who had 
received tracer doses if strontium-85. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1955 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



39) STUDIES ON THE METABOLISM OF GLYCINE LABELED WITH 
CARBON-14 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy form terminally ill patients who 
had been injected with glycine labeled carbon- 14. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1952 to 1953 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of California-Berkeley 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



40) CARBON-14 LABELED DIGITOXIN ADMINISTRATION TO 

PREGNANT WOMEN TO DETERMINE FETAL DISTRIBUTION 

Description: Tissue, including fetal organs, was obtained from women who 
had therapeutic abortions and one woman who delivered a baby having no 
brain. The women had been given carbon- 14 labeled digitoxin, a drug used in 
the treatment of cardiac failure. “When the total radioactivity in the maternal 
and fetal body was calculated on an equivalent body weight basis, it was 
found that the near-term fetus had almost twice the concentration of the 
maternal body”. 

DURATION OF STUDY: mid-1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 4 



41) DISTRIBUTION OF RADIOACTIVE CHROMIC PHOSPHATE AFTER 
LUNG AND ABDOMINAL ADMINISTRATION 



246 




Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy form patients who had received 
medical treatment using radioactive chromic phosphate. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Early 1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 3 



42) RADIUM APPLIED TO HUMAN SKIN 

Description: Irradiated tissues were surgically removed from patients who 
had received thorium-X, along with electrical currents to “cause greater 
penetration of the skin”. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1955 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: New York University 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 3 



43) BLOOD LEVEL STUDIES WITH CARBON-14 DIGITOXIN 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from tenninal patients who had 
been injected with digitoxin. 

DURATION OF STUDY: mid-1950s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 3 



44) IODINE-131 ANALYSIS IN FETAL AND MATERNAL THYROIDS 

Description: Thyroid tissue was obtained at autopsy from fetuses, stillborn 
babies, young infants, and mothers to analyze for Iodine- 131. 

DURATION OF STUDY: early 1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Brookhaven National Laboratory, Argonne 
National Laboratory, Argonne Cancer Research Hospital, Donner Laboratory, University 
of California Medical Center, Los Alamos National Laboratory, Oak Ridge Institute for 



247 




Nuclear Studies, New York University, University of Rochester, and Hanford 
Laboratories Operation. 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown, however a mother and her full-term child both of 
whom died during deliver were test subjects. 



45) POLONIUM ADMINISTERED TO HUMANS 

Description: Tissue was obtained from a hospital patient with an incurable 
disease who had been injected with radioactive polonium. The subject died 6 
days later and was autopsied to determine which organs absorbed the 
polonium. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1943 to 1947 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Rochester 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



46) STUDY OF PLUTONIUM METAL DEPOSITS IN SKIN 

Description: The accidental deposition of plutonium metal particles in a 
person’s finger subsequently led to the amputation of the finger at a particular 
institution. The finger was sent to Oak Ridge to evaluate changes in the skin. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1966 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORISE 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



47) HUMAN SKIN DECONTAMINATION FROM RADIOACTIVE SILVER 

Description: Skin samples were obtained from a researcher after a self- 
induced contamination. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1963 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Oak Ridge National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



248 




48) PLUTONIUM CONTENT OF SEVERAL INTERNAL ORGANS 

FOLLOWING OCCUPATIONAL EXPOSURE (ROCKY FLATS) 

Description: Various tissue samples were obtained at autopsy from a subject 
who had died of a heart attack at the Rocky Flats Plant, and declared a 
coroner’s case by the County Coroner’s office. One DOE report noted that 
Rocky Flats “asked the pathologist if we [Rocky Flats] could analyze some 
tissue samples for plutonium as a logical extension to the autopsy. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1967 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Rocky Flats 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 

49) COMPARISON OF THE UPTAKE OF ZIRCONIUM-95 IN TUMOR AND 

NORMAL TISSUE 

Description: Tissue was obtained following a mid-thigh amputation of the 
cancerous leg of a patient who had been previously injected with zirconium- 
95. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1946 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of California at San Francisco, and the 
Crocker Radiation Laboratory, University of California, Berkeley 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



50) INJECTION OF AMERICUM-241 

Description: Tissue was obtained from the amputated left thigh of a patient 
with malignant tumors who had been previously injected with americium-241, 
to determine the distribution of the radioactive isotope. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1947 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of California at San Francisco 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



51) METABOLISM OF ZINC-65 IN HUMAN LEUKEMIA 



249 




Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from a patient with chronic 
leukemia to whom zinc-65 had been administered. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1 96 1 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



52) THE METABOLISM AND FATE OF TRITIATED THYMIDINE IN MAN 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy form a patient with a brain tumor 
who had been injected with radioactive tritiated thymidine. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1959 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Brookhaven National Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 1 



53) ANALYSIS OF RADIOACTIVITY IN ANIMAL TISSUES AND HUMAN 
BONE 

Description: Samples of human bone obtained at surgery or autopsy from 
local hospitals were analytically compared with measurements of radioactivity 
in animals located at the Reactor Testing Station (currently the Idaho National 
Engineering Laboratory). The human bone samples appear to have been 
analyzed for two radioactive elements, strontium and yttrium. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1954 to 1955 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Idaho National Engineering Laboratory 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: The number of subjects is unknown, however five human 
bone samples were used. 



54) PERMEATION OF IODINE THROUGH HUMAN EPIDERMIS 
EXPERIMENT 

Description: Skin from amputated limbs or other surgical procedure was 
obtained from various hospitals. The study’s ultimate objective was to apply 



250 




radioactive iodine to the human skin to evaluate the hazards caused by iodine 
penneation. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1968 to 1970 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Idaho National Engineering Laboratory 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown 



55) DISTRIBUTION OF PHOSPHORUS-32 

Description: Tissue was obtained from patients who received phosphorus-32 
to evaluate the distribution of phosphorus-32 in cancerous bone cells. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1956 to 1957 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown 



56) UPTAKE OF RADIOIODINE IN HUMAN EMBRYOS 

Description: Embryos were analyzed from pregnant women who were 
scheduled for therapeutic abortion and had been given radioiodine. The 
study’s objective was to detennine the uptake of iodine-13 1 in human embryo 
thyroids. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1953 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: University of Iowa 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown 



57) POSTMORTEM STUDIES OF RADIONUCLIDES IN MAN 

Description: Tissues or organs were obtained at autopsy from patients who 
had received radionuclides. The studies’ objective was to obtain information 
on the distribution and metabolism of radionuclides in human tissue. 

DURATION OF STUDY: 1950s to mid-1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: ORINS 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown. 



251 




58) RADIONUCLIDE STUDIES TO DETERMINE BONE MARROW 
DISTRIBUTION IN MAN 

Description: Tissue was obtained through either biopsy or autopsy from 
hospital patients and normal volunteers, including children, who had been 
administered radionuclides. 

DURATION OF STUDY: early 1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Donner Laboratory and the Lawrence Radiation 
Laboratory, University of California at Berkeley 

NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: Unknown 



59) STUDIES ON THE INTERACTIVE EFFECTS OF A DRUG THAT 
INDUCES HYPERTHYROIDISM ON X-RAY IRRADIATION 

Description: Tissue was obtained at autopsy from patients with advanced 
cancer who could tolerate an elevated metabolic rate caused by oral doses of 
triliodo thyronine in combination with x-rays. 

DURATION OF STUDY: Late 1960s 

PERFORMING ORGANIZATIONS: Argonne Cancer Research Hospital 
NUMBER OF SUBJECTS: 421 



Author’s note: Some of the information regarding the stated objective of the study, and 
the results of the studies, were purposely omitted here. As argued here, those claims 
were often intended to misguide the public and local officials. Any results gained from 
these studies may be interpreted as creating the impression that the study was of value to 
the medical community and the American public. As well, the “duration of study” has 
been included here, but the dates identified in official documents may have been 
purposely altered to mislead the general public. The original GAO report includes 
information related to consent. Because consent is not of concern to this analysis, it is 
not included here. 



APPENDIX E 
TIMELINE OF EVENTS 



252 




1656 

1858 

June 17, 1925 

1929 

1934 

1944 

April 10, 1945 

April 26, 1945 
May 14, 1945 
October 1945-July 1946 

1947 

1947 

January, 1947 
March, 1947 

August, 1947 



Stockhusen study noting human health effects of cadmium 

Sovet study notes cadmium poisoning via inhalation 

The Geneva Protocol (aka Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in 
War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bateriological 
Methods of Warfare), is signed in Geneva. 

Chajes, Lewin, and Pohl studies confirm cadmium toxicity 

Leschke and Gadamer studies confirm cadmium toxicity 

Army Medical Corps authorize Rochester to study polonium exposure 
on humans (Moss, et al, 196) 

The first human plutonium injection occurs in Oak Ridge; three others 
were “approved” for Chicago, Berkeley/San Francisco, and Los 
Alamos by Dr. Friedell at Oak Ridge (under Langham’s instruction), 
Hamilton, and Warren. (Moss, et al, 195) 

Second human plutonium injection takes place in a 68-year old man at 
Billings Hospital in Chicago (Moss, et al, 197). 

Third person injected with plutonium at the University of California 
Hospital in San Francisco (Moss, et al, 197). 

Eleven patients were injected with plutonium at Strong Memorial 
Hospital in Rochester, NY ; this included seven men and four women 
ranging in age from 18 years through 68 years old. The 18 -year old 
died approximately 1.5 years later (Moss, et al, 205). 

Barrett, et al., find inhalation of cadmium fatal to humans 

US Army Corps of Engineers issues internal statement that says, “It is 
desired that no document be released which refers to experiments with 
humans and might have adverse effect on public opinion or result in 
legal suits. Documents covering such work should be classified 
‘secret’” [Welsome, 1993, as cited in Congressional Hearing 
Government-Sponsored Testing on Humans, 1994: 250]. 

The Manhattan Project is officially transferred to the newly formed 
Atomic Energy Commission (Moss et al: 213). 

The legal department of the Atomic Energy Commission 
acknowledges that human subject experimentation should include 
informed consent 

The Nuremberg Code is established. US recommends that within the 
definition of mass destruction, the following be added: "lethal 
chemical and biological weapons”; Australia’s response was a proposal 
to delete the word "lethal” in the text.* 



253 




1950 

June, 1952 
August 27, 1952 

1952 

1953 

January 15-16, 1953 
January 19-Oct 18, 1953 
January-March, 1953 
Feb 9, 1953 
March, 1953 
April, 1953 

May 18, 1953 

May 20- July 1, 1953 

July 10- Aug, 1953 
Aug 18-Sept 15, 1953 

Nov 9-Nov 30, 1953 
Dec 1-January 20, 1954 

1954 

Jan 27, 1954-Feb 12, 1954 
1957-1958 

1960 

1962 



University of California researcher Joseph Hamilton proposes to the 
US military, inhalation experiments with radioactive iodine, and calls 
the study “a touch of Buchenwald”. 

The Wilson Army Memorandum is written which mirrors The 
Nuremberg Code. 

Government officials/agents met with St. Louis city officials including 
Lawrence F. Wood, representing then-ill Mayor Darst.** 

Preliminary meteorological tests taken in Minneapolis, St. Louis. 

The Wilson Memorandum is published with guidelines regarding 
human subject military research. 

Equipment check and training for ZnCdS Experiments- Minneapolis. 

Army ZnCdS Tracer Experiments-Minneapolis. 

Preparations/training for Army Aerosol tests in St. Louis. 

Aerosol dispersal by Army contractors in St. Louis. 

US DOD Tests Radioactive cloud studies across US; St. Louis 

Army holds meetings with St. Louis city officials, and representatives 
from Monsanto Chemical Co., Socony-Vacuum Oil Co., Granite City 
Steel Corp., and the alderman of Granite City, IL.** 

Training for Army contractor personnel-St. Louis. 

Army Tracer Experiments-St. Louis; 54 releases (Note: may have 
concluded on 6/23). 

Army Tracer Experiments-Minneapolis; 36 releases. 

Army Tracer Experiments-Minneapolis; 36 releases. 

Army Tracer Experiments-St. Louis; 27 releases. 

Army Tracer Experiments-St. Louis; 60 releases. 

The Wilson Memorandum is revised to include knowledge and 
comprehension of the study and effects on the part of the patient. 

Army Tracer Experiments-Minneapolis; 36 releases. 

Large area aerial study with allegedly ZnCdS from Detroit to 
Springfield, to Goodland, KS. 

Natanson v. Kline is filed in court in Kansas, related to un-consented 
cobalt irradiation tests on cancer patient Irma Natanson. 

US proposes that the Geneva Protocol include language that 
disallows field testing of CB weapons of mass destruction. 



254 




May 27-Sept 18, 1963 

1964 

April 1-Oct 21, 1964 
March 6- March 17, 1965 

1966 

July, 1969 
Nov 25, 1969 

1970 

Feb 14, 1970 

April, 1972 

December 16, 1974 
January 22, 1975 
1997 



Army Tracer Experiments- St. Louis; 43 experiments. 

Helsinki Accords regulating human subject experiments are issued by 
the World Health Organization. 

Army, USPHS Tracer Experiments-St. Louis, Forest Park. 

Army, USPHS Tracer Experiments-St. Louis, Forest Park. 

Beton, et al., calculate fatal doses of cadmium exposure by air. 

United Nations urges all countries to sign on to the Geneva Protocol. 

President Nixon renounces first-use of lethal and incapacitating 
chemicals; renounces use of lethal biological agents and weapons and 
“all methods of biological warfare”. Biological research was restricted 
to “defensive measures”. Nixon states he will resubmit the Geneva 
Protocol to the Senate for ratification. 

U.S. proposes that the use of riot-control agents, napalm, tear gas, and 
chemical herbicides in war should be excluded from prohibition. The 
Netherlands and Norway respond that all CB agents including tear gas 
and herbicides should be banned.* 

White House announces extension to Nixon’s policy to include 
biological toxins. 

U.K. and Russia sign on to the Geneva Protocol, United States Senate 
does NOT adopt the Geneva Protocol. 

U.S. Senate approves the Geneva Protocol. 

President Ford signs the Geneva Protocol. 

National Research Council releases several versions of the 
“Toxicological Assessment of the Army’s Zinc Cadmium Sulfide 
Dispersion Tests”. 



• Source: The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Stockholm International Peace 
Research Institute 

** Source: National Research Council, Toxicological Assessment of the Army ’s Zinc Cadmium 
Sulfide Dispersion Tests, Final Technical Report. 

Moss, William and Roger Eckhardt (1995). The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments. Los Alamos 
Science, 23. 



APPENDIX F: FOIA RESPONSE-ABERDEEN PROVING GROUND 



255 




Although documents sent to this author in response to a 201 1 Freedom of Information 
Act request to Aberdeen Proving Ground had been declassified years earlier, Aberdeen 
prohibits the publication of those documents. The following warning was stamped on the 
documents: 

“Reproduction of this document in whole or in part is 
prohibited except with permission of the issuing office.” 



Furthermore, the documents are heavily redacted. The sheer number of documents 
provided in this FOIA response is an example of blizzarding. The titles of the documents 
are as follows: 

U.S. Army Chemical Corps; Major Problems and Events: FY 1953 (Regraded 
unclassified May, 1992 by DAMD-SWC; Col. [REDACTED], Chief Chemical NBC 
Defense Division; 32 pages. 

U.S. Army Chemical Corps; Summary of Major Events and Problems, FY 1954 (Parts 
One and Two). (Declassified by CBDCOM Security Classification Review Board, 24 
August 95 (Part One). Document is excluded from Automatic downgrading. 

United States Chemical Corps; Summary of Major Events and Problems for Fiscal Year 
1955 (1955, December). Secret/Restricted/Data declassified by DNA and CBDCOM 
Security Classification Review Board 24 Aug 95; with the exception of 
SECRET/RESTRICTED Data, material is downgraded unclassified. Authority: DAMO- 
SWC, January, 1990 signed by Document was excluded from automatic regarding. 
Reclassified from “SECRET” to “Unclassified”; 164 pages. 

United States Chemical Corps Historical Office; Summary of Major Events and Problems 
for Fiscal Year 1956 (1956, November); 199 pages. 

NOTE: U.S. Army Chemical Corps, Major Problems and Events, FY 1957 was 
requested, however FY 1967 was provided. 

United States Army Chemical Corps Historical Office; Summary of Major Events and 
Problems: Fiscal Year 1967 (August, 1967); 186 pages. 

U.S. Army Chemical Corps Historical Office; Summary of Major Events and Problems, 
FY 1958 (March, 1959), 201 pages. 



256 




U.S. Army Chemical Corps; Summary of Major Events and Problems, FY 1959 (January, 
1960); 192 pages. Document regarded unclassified order Army; downgraded at 12 year 
intervals but not automatically declassified. 

U.S. Army Chemical Corps Historical Office; Summary of Major Events and Problems, 
FY 1960 (April, 1961); 332 pages. 

U.S. Army Chemical Corps Historical Office; Summary of Major Events and Problems, 
FY 1961-1962 (JUNE, 1962). UNCLASSIFIED DOCUMENT; 400 pages. 



257 




VITA 



Lisa Martino-Taylor was born in Newington, Connecticut, where she spent many 
summer days lingering in the stacks at the local public library, until her family relocated 
to St. Louis, Missouri. She received her bachelor's and master's degrees in sociology at 
Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville. Martino-Taylor worked for over a decade 
as a senior paralegal involving several high-profde cases such as light cigarettes, and a 
large toxic-tort case involving hundreds of children who had been poisoned with heavy 
metals by a local Missouri company, which resulted in an historic verdict of $38.5 
million dollars for the plaintiffs. It was while working on these large lawsuits, which 
involved hundreds to thousands of plaintiffs, that Ms. Martino-Taylor earned both her 
master's and doctorate degrees in sociology. Her master’s thesis, Times Beach and 
Beyond: The Politics and Pollution of Dioxin and Agent Orange, focused on the 
complex history of chemical weapons production, reckless contamination, and 
problematic cleanup of Missouri dioxin sites within the context of State-Corporate Crime 
theory. In 2007, Martino-Taylor appeared in the German Public Television documentary, 
Auslandsreporter, regarding chemical weapons production in the U.S. Martino-Taylor is 
married with two children. As a sociologist, she acknowledges that education is never an 
individual endeavor, and therefore recognizes the support of all family, friends, and 
colleagues who helped her along the long, arduous journey to Ph.D. 



258 




APPENDIX G 



FOIA RESPONSE FROM DUGWAY PROVING GROUND 

Includes in part, the following documents: 

Behavior of Aerosol Clouds within Cities 
St. Louis Dispersion Study, Volume II- Analysis 



259 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



DISCLAIMER NOTICE 

This document is 
Best Quality Available. 
The copy lurnished to 
JOD DPG contains 

a number ol pages 
which do not 
reproduce legibly. 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFI ED - JOD , DPG 







C; 

. ) 



. bjj author! I* 

{life Cla.-^ATi .’V 1 • - , 

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REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



Copy 8 of 30, Series A 

This document consists of 
218 pages 



CHEMICAL CORPS, U. S* ARMT 



BEHAVIOR OF AEROSOL CLOUDS WITHIN CITIES. 



Joint Quarterly Report No. 3 
January - March 1953' 



Submitted byx 



a. L 









F5FT5T. 

Stanford, California 
Contr. No. DA»18=06U*-CML-1856 












Pasadena, California 
Contr c No. DA-18-06U-CML-2282 



81 This material contains information affecting the national defense of 
the United States within the meaning of the espionage laws. Title 18, 
U.S.Co., Sec. 793 and 79U, the transmission or revelation of which in 
any manner to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.* 1 



Page 1 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JO D.DPG 




CONTENTS 



TITLE PAGE 
CONTENTS 
LIST OF TABLES 

LIST OF TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS 
I. SUMMARY 

A. Operational and Administrative Progress 

B. Preliminary Evaluation of Winter Program 

II. FIELD OPERATIONS AND MANAGEMENT 

A. Introduction 

B. Administration 

Co Meteorological Tests 
Do Tracer Tests (Minneapolis) 

E. Scheduled Operations 

III. INSTRUMENTATION 

A. General 

B. Field Observations on Equipment Performance 

C. Portable Membranfe Filter Sampler and Accessories 

Do Modified Alnor Velometer# Jr. for Monitoring Battery 
Operated Samplers 

Eo Wiresonde Thermistor Air Temperature Measuring 
Equipment 

IV. TEMPERATURE SURVEYS IN ST. LOUIS 

A. ■ City Structure and Terrain 

B. Summary of Results 

C. Characteristics of Horizontal Temperature Patterns 

D. Vertical Temperature Gradients 

Eo Selection of Site for Aerosol Cloud Studies 

V. AEROSOL TRACER TESTS IN MINNEAPOLIS 

A. Scope of Operations 
Bo Test Site 

C. Equipment and Procedures 

D. Summary of Results 

Eo Preliminary Comments on Aerosol Cloud Behavior 
APPENDIXES 

A. Sto Louis Surveys and Soundings 
Bo Minneapolis Winter Field Tests# Able Area 



Page No. 

1 

2 

3 

h 



8 

10 



12 

13 

17 

25 

51 



59 

60 

66 

73 

76 



lOli 

106 

110 

115 

117 



118 

120 

122 

132 

135 



163 

175 



Page 2 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG„ 




LIST OF TABLES 



Table Nop 


Title 


Page No© 


II-l 


Field Office Manhours 


ik 


II“2 


Mesometeorological Surveys s Minneapolis 


19 


II“3 


ffesometeorological Surveys s St. Louis 


20 


II-U 


Summary of Data on Minneapolis Tracer Tests 


27 


II -5 


Tracer Test Schedule Through February 195k 


53 


IV-1 


Summary of Data from Selected Temperature 
Surveys 


109 


IV -2 


Horizontal Temperature Pattern Characteristics 
Compared with Various Indexes of City Size 


nk 


V-l 


Summary of FP Point-Source Tests in Able Area 


13k 


V~2 


Clinton School Vertical Attenuation Data 
Expressed in Percentages of Ground Level 
Dosages 


138 


V=3 


Penetration Data Expressed in Percentages of 
Outside Dosages 


139 






Page 3 



Figure No e 
II-l 

II-2 

II “3 
II-U 

II- 5 

II-6 
II“7 
II-8 

III-X 

III“2 

III =>3 

III- U 
III-3 

111=6 

111=7 
111=8 

111=9 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




1ST OF TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

Title 

Two Meter Air Ten^ierature Survey Grew 
in Traverse Car 

Wiresonde Crew 

Flow Rating Filters 

Batteries on Charge 

Battery Chargers 

Inserting New Membrane Filters into Holders 

Typical Counting Station 

Laboratory Technicians at the Microscopes 

Portable Membrane Filter Sampler in Opera- 
ting Condition 

Portable Membrane Filter Sampler Opened for 
Field Servicing 

Portable Membrane Filter Sampler with Lid 
Section Detached 

Batteries in -Sampler Units Being Charged 

Array of Sampler Units with Batteries on 
Charge 

Magnetic Filter Holder Body., Membrane Filter,, 
Retaining Ring,, and Dust Cap 

Pump and Filter Flow Characteristics 

Flow Rate and Current Drain of a Pump=Filter 
Combination 

Alnor Velometerj, Jr. Anemometers 



III-10 



Flow Meter 




REGRADED UNCLAS S IF IED - JOD,DPG 






LIST OF TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 


,gure No* 


Title 


III-ll 


Western Electric D-17690 Bead Type 
Thermistor 


111=12 


Protective Cage for Bead Thermistor 


III -13 


Simplified Schematic Wiresonde Bridge 
Circuit 


Hi-lit 


Wiresonde Bridge with Case Opened 


ni-iS 


Interior 7iew of Wiresonde Bridge 


ni-16 


Wiresonde Reel 


III-17 


Method of Attachment of Balloon. Cord 
and Thermistor Cage to Wiresonde Cable 


III-18 


Kytoon and Reserve Helium Supply 


17-1 


Topographic Map s St„ Louis 


7-1 


Topographic Map 9 Minneapolis s Able Area 


7-2 


Aerial Photography Minneapolis # Able Area 


7=3 


Typical Two Story Frame Residences in 
Able Area 


74i 


Clinton Avenue School 7iewed from the 
Southwest Quarter 


7=5 


Aerosol Dispersal Crew Checking Equipment 
Prior to a Field Test 


7-6 


Aerosol Dispersal Equipment in Truck as 
Arranged for Field Test 


7-7 


Typical Roof Top Location of Aerosol 
Disperser 


7-8 


Sampler Chained to Posty with Filter at 
Box Level 



P. 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD»DPG 



LIST OF TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 
Title 



7-9 


Sampler Chained to Post s with Filter 
Five Feet above Ground 


116 


7-10 


Typical Arrangement of Sampler Location 
in Car 


U 6 


v-n 


Typical Roof Top Sampler Location 


116 


7-12 


Sampler Installatidn Inside Private 
Residence 


116 


7-13 


Typical Indoor Sampler Installation with 
Filter Exposed Outside 


117 


7-H 


Method of Obtaining Flow Rate of a 
Filter 


117 


v-15 


Wind Direction Unit Mounted on Field 
Meteorological Station Automobile 


318 


7-16 


Wind Direction Recording Equipments 
Showing Ester line-Angus Recorder in 
Meteorological Station Automobile 


118 


7-17 


Meteorological Station on Roof of 
Clinton School 


119 


7-18 


Field Meteorological Team Reporting 
Wind 7elocity and Balloon Track by 
Radio 


ll9 


7-19 


Field Meteorological Team Taking Air 
and Surface Temperatures 


i5o 


7-20 


Average Dosage-Area Relationships for 
Five Selected Aerosol Tracer Tests 


1$1 


7-21 


Average Dosage-Area Relationships for 
Daytime Tracer Tests in Minneapolis 
and in Salisbury s England 


1S2 



Page 6 



. REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG,. 



Figure No„ 



LIST OF TEXTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) 
Title 



V-22 


Average Crosswind Integrated Dosages 
at Downwind Distances from Source 
for Six Selected Aerosol Tracer Tests 


153 


V-23 


Dosages Obtained in House A 


15U 


V“2U 


Dosages Obtained in House B 


1 55 


V-2 5 


Dosages Obtained in House C 


156 


V-26 


Dosages Obtained in House D 


157 


V-2? 


Dosages Obtained in House E 


158 


V-28 


Clinton School Sampler Array and Results 
FT 0008 3 February 1953 


159 


V=29 


Clinton School Sampler Array and Results 
FT 0009 9 February 1953 


160 


V-30 


Clinton School Sampler Array and Results 
FT 0010 11-12 February 1953 


161 


V-31 


Clinton School Sampler Array and Results 
FT 0011 15 February 1953 


162 



Page 7 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG^ 



I* SUMMARY 



A. OPERATIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE PROGRESS 



1. Winter Program in St. Louis and Minneapolis 

Between January and March 1953 , 18 temperature surveys s in addition to 
the 17 reported for the preceding quarterly period, were made in St. Louie 
preparatory to selecting a provisional site for studying aerosol cloud be- 
havior. Though no measurements were taken of the vertical temperature gra- 
dient within the city, the associated raob sounding obtained at Columbia 
Airport is presented with each horizontal air temperature survey described 
in this report. 

In Minneapolis, aerosol cloud study has been started, based on the results 
of 61 separate releases of fluorescent tracer material in four selected 
areas. Complementary information was provided from measurements of the 
horizontal and vertical temperature gradients, the St. Cloud raob soundings s 
and observations reported by auxiliary field meteorological stations be- 
fore and during individual tracer tests. In addition, studies were made 
of the penetration of the aerosol cloud into structures to determine the 
ratio of inside to outside dosages obtainable. Penetration data were ob- 
tained from 29 sampling units placed in houses, and from 88 units located 
at various levels within a school building. 

2. Field and Laboratory Operating Procedures 

Detailed descriptions are given of the St. Louis and Minneapolis activi- 
ties, in which 15 full-time and 233 part-time employees are currently 



Page 8 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 



engaged,, Considerable attention is given to procedures for conducting 
mesoraeteorological surveys $ including temperature traverses , wiresonde 
operations, and data analysis. Tracer test operations are also detailed, 
including test planning, preparation of equipment, aerosol generation, 
sampling, and filter analysis „ 



3o Instrumentation 



The self-contained, portable filter sampling unit especially developed for 
this project embodies a number of desirable features and characteristics 
which are described in the current report. Also presented is the design 
of a suitable flow meter for use in conjunction with the unit. The wire- 
sonde equipment now in successful operation for obtaining vertical air 
temperature profiles is discussed from the standpoint of design and field 
operation,, 



Page 9 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG„ 




SEC 



B* PRELIMINARY EVALUATION OF WINTER PROGRAM 

1 0 St, Louis Temperature Surveys and Aerosol Site Selection 

Of the 3£ two-meter air temperature surveys conducted in St, Louis since 
the inception of the current program, four surveys are fully evaluated. 
From seven selected isotherm charts, and the associated raob soundings 
and winds- aloft data, a characteristic temperature structure has been de- 
termined. As in other cities in which comparable studies have been made, 
highest temperatures are found in or near the built-up area, while lower 
temperature readings are obtained near the large parks or undeveloped re- 
gions, The horizontal temperature gradient, however, is much flatter in 
St. Louis than in Minneapolis. Though a considerable horizontal gradient 
is generally evident to the east of the downtown district, the gradient to 
the west-northwest is quite weak. The reproducibility of the temperature 
pattern seems likely, since the same gradient was obtained under varying 
weather conditions. The flatness of this gradient was the factor chiefly 
responsible for the selection of a five-square mile test area within the 
west-northwest region. The area, which is densely built-up and sparsely 
tree covered, includes the warmer downtown district that will be used as 
one test site and is large enough so that a number of one-square mile test 
sites of intermediate building density can subsequently be chosen. 

2, Aerosol Cloud Behavior in Minneapolis 

Preliminary evaluation of aerosol cloud behavior is based on results ob- 
tained from six tracer tests 5 comprising a total of 18 releases, which 



Page 10 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG.. 



were conducted in Able Area. Except for one daytime operation, all tests 
were performed at night using a point-source operated for a five-minute 
period either from a vehicle or from a roof-top position. 

From currently available data, three tentative conclusions may be drawn s 

a. Under given meteorological conditions , street-level dosage 
patterns are reproducible in an essentially residential area. 

b. The position of the point-source aerosol generator has little 
influence in the street-level dosage pattern} similar patterns 
are obtained when the source is located at a street intersec- 
tion, on a roof top, or in the middle of a block. As a re- 
sult, the point-source data may be combined to estimate the 
dosage-area relationship, which might be obtained from multi- 
ple-point or line sources. 

c. Of the penetration studies conducted in residences and in 
the Clinton School, greater dosages were obtained in the 
basements of houses than in the upper levels} in the school 
building, however, there was little difference in vertical 
distribution of the inside dosages# 



Page 11 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




II. FIELD OPERATIONS AND MANAGEMENT 



A. INTRODUCTION 

Section II summarizes all field and laboratory activities for the current 
period for which The Ralph M. Parsons Company is primarily responsible. 

Complete resumes of tracer tests conducted in Minneapolis, including re- 
lated laboratory activities, and meteorological surveys conducted in 
Minneapolis and St. Louis are presented in tabular form. 

The breakdown of tracer tests and meteorological surveys includes the man- 
hours expended on various phases of field and laboratory operations. Meth- 
ods of procurement, training, scheduling, and use of part-time help for 
conducting field work are presented. This Section includes such aspects 
of field procedure as have been influenced by the cities and climate in 
which tests have been conducted and the availability and capabilities of 
manpower. Actual field operating procedures for conducting tracer tests 
are covered in Section V. The Section is concluded with a resume of test 
operations scheduled for completion during the balance of the contract 
period. 



Page 12 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP, PPG, 




B. ADMINISTRATION 

1* Organization 

The organization of thirteen full-time field office employees remains sub- 
stantially as described in JQR 2 , the only additions during the current 
period being a full-time typist and a full-time draftsman at Minneapolis . 
These two additions make a total of 15 full-time employees, with Uj. at 
Minneapolis, and one at St. Louis. 

There was considerably more activity during the current period in the part- 
time personnel hires and terminations. At Minneapolis the year started 
with 62 part-time employees, and during the following three months, some 
17U new people were employed, and 55 were terminated, leaving the total 
number of part-time employees approximately 180 as of 31 March. As of 
1 January there were 32 part-time employees at St. Louis, and during the 
current period 29 additional were hired with only 8 terminations, leaving 
a total of 53 part-time employees on the St. Louis force at the close of 
the quarter. The above part-time figures include personnel for the admin- 
istrative, meteorological, tracer, laboratory, and instrument divisions* 

Table II-l shows both full-time and part-time manhours expended for the 
current period, broken down by months and activities* 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP, PPG, 




TABLE II-l 

FIELD OFFICE MANHOURS 

Total for 







January 


February 


March 


Period 


Administration 


Full-time 


565 


61*3 


807 


2015 




Part-time 


0 


52 


0 


52 


Meteorological 


Full-time 


993 


868 


997 


2858 




Part-time 


111*8 


3280 


1*256 


8681* 


Tracer Test 


Full-time 


67k 


616 


761* 


2051* 




Part-time 


1176 


3169 


2512 


6857 


Laboratory 


Full-time 


61* 


1*10 


365 


839 




Part-time 


0 


510 


969 


11*79 


Instrumentation 


Full-time 


176 


160 


183 


519 




Part-time 


0 


21*9 


290 


539 


Totals 


Full-time 


21*72 


2697 


3116 


8285 




Part-time 


2321 * 


7260 


8027 


17611 



2$ 896 

The Division Chiefs requisition part-time employees by the number and 
type required. The Office Manager conducts the initial interviews and 
effects the hiring of the part-time employees# 

2 o Training 

Training of part-time personnel is undertaken by each Division. In general, 
the Division Chief, with the assistance of the Field Foreman, explains the 




Page ll* 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



k|||H 



functions and operations of the equipment , the detailed requirements for 
handling equipment in the field, precautions to be observed, manner of 
completing field data records, and manner of submitting time and mileage 
records o In the current period at St. Louis only meteorological tests 
were involved, and employees engaged in this work were instructed by the 
Field Foreman,, 

3. Facilities 

The rental space at St. Louis and Minneapolis, as described in JQR 2, 
proved adequate during the current periodo However, because of the in- 
creased space required at Minneapolis for layout of sampling equipment 
and assembly of personnel prior to tests, it was found necessary to in- 
stall all meteorological instruments on automobiles while outside the 
building instead of in the garage area as had been previously planned. 

Uo Security 

No special security measures have been instituted in connection with the 
St. Louis operation inasmuch as all computing and data analysis for St. 
Louis tests are performed in Minneapolis. 

The arrangement of restricted areas and the security precautions taken 
at Minneapolis, as described in JQR 2 have proven satisfactory during 
the current period, and have been adequate even for the relatively large 
number of part-time employees requiring access to the unrestricted por- 
tions of the building. Uncleared personnel enter restricted areas only 
for approved purposes and then only under the supervision of cleared: 




Page 1 $ 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG_ 




personnel. Drafting of meteorological data,, computing of meteorological 
data, laboratory analysis of filters, and other phases of the project 
work performed by uncleared personnel are performed in separate areas in 
order to isolate these functions. Thus idle exchange of information rela- 
tive to the various phases of the project is prevented as far as is prac- 
ticable. Restricted areas are kept locked at all times and visitors re- 
quiring admittance to restricted areas are required to sign a log. 

A fireproof safe with combination lock is located within the restricted 
area for storage of rough field data of a classified nature and other im- 
portant records. 

Fire protection facilities have been installed and include pump type water 
cans in the office area where records are located, and CO 2 fire extin- 
guishers in the shop area for protection of equipment and instruments. 




Page 16 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD .DPG, 




C. METEOROLOGICAL TESTS 
1, General 

The purposs of the mesometeorological tests conducted during the current 
period was to determine the horizontal and vertical temperature patterns 
to serve as a basis for the selection of tracer test sites In St» Louis 
and to obtain data required for determining the effect of these patterns 
on the diffusion of an aerosol cloud in Minneapolis# 

In order to provide the necessary information for accomplishing the above 
purposes, traverse routes in both cities for two-meter air temperature 
surveys were designed to include the urban area, most of the residential 
area, and sufficient rural area to enable the establishment of character- 
istic patterns of any area which might possibly affect aerosol diffusion# 
Normally, five cars and occasionally as many as ten cars, when equipment 
was available, were used for the temperature traverses in Minneapolis. 
Normally, four circuits were made on each route# On those nights coin- 
ciding with tracer tests in Minneapolis, $ to 12 traverses were completed. 
Wiresonde ascents in either one or two locations, usually one urban and 
one rural, were made each hour during the period of the traverse operation. 

Operations for the period represent a total of U,68l hours for traverses, 
96k hours for wiresondes, and 2,913 hours for data reduction, 

2# Test Data 

Table II-2 lists all mesometeorological surveys conducted in Minneapolis 
in the current period and gives pertinent statistics on the number of 




Page 17 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP, PPG. 



routes, runs, wiresonde ascents, maps obtained and man-hours expended for 
the various phases of the operation# Table II-3 provides like information 
for St. Louis Purveys# 

3, Public Relations 

The advance meetings with city officials of Minneapolis are discussed else- 
where in this Section. Meetings with city officials of St. Louis are sched- 
uled for the purpose of completing arrangements for forthcoming mesometeoro- 
logical surveys involving wiresonde operations. In both St. Louis and Min- 
neapolis little interest has been evidenced in the operation of the traverse 
cars, and in Minneapolis, the removal of the two wiresonde sites from nor- 
mal public traffic patterns has served to reduce public curiosity in these 
operations. 

U. Traverse Route Planning 

The purpose of the traverse routes is to provide a grid of air-temperature 
readings taken at the two-meter level which are adequate for establishing 
characteristic temperature patterns over the required area with a minimum 
of equipment. It is necessary that the routes cover such areas of inter- 
est as urban heat islands, rural heat lows, the tracer test area in use, 
and any surrounding areas that may possibly affect the diffusion of an 
aerosol cloud 0 

The length of each traverse route will vary between 12 and 20 miles, de- 
pending on traffic conditions characteristic of the city, street patterns, 
and street conditions. In current operations in Minneapolis, routes were 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 





GENERAL 






2 METER TEMPERATURE SURVEYS 






Survey Date 

No . 1953 


Map 

Times 

CST 


Tracer 

Test 

No. 


No. 

Routes 

Used 


No. Runs No. 

Per Traverse No. 

Route Men Cars 


Traverse 

Car 

Miles 


Total 

Traverse 

MHrs.(P) 


Traverst 
MHrs . pi 
Run (P) 


M3h 


16 Jan. 


2000-2200 


T 0002 


5 


It 


15 


5 


2lt5 


72 


3.6 


M3 5 


19 Jan. 


2000-2200 


T 0003 


5 


li 


15 


5 


26 I 4 


88 


Ii.lt 


M36 


21 Jan. 


it 


T OOOlt 


5 


1 ) 


15 


5 


297 


72 


3.6 


M37 


22 Jan. 


n 




5 


It 


15 


5 


279 


72 


3.6 


M3 8 


26 Jan. 


n 


T 0005 


5 


h 


15 


5 


2ti5 


78 


3.9 


M3 9 


27 Jan. 


n 




It 


It 


12 


It 


2li7 


58 


3.6 


MhO 


28 Jan. 


it 


T 0006 


5 


It 


15 


5 


2ll3 


68 


3.1) 


Mhl 


30 Jan. 


n 


T 0007 


5 


It 


15 


5 


288 


83 


It. 2 


Mil 2 


2 Feb. 


it 




5 


L 


15 


5 


310 


78 


3.9 


Mli3 


3 Feb. 


2000-2300 


T 0008 


5 


5 


15 


5 


32h 


102 


lt.0 


MUli 


L Feb. 


2000-2200 




5 


h 


15 


5 


308 


83 


lt.l 


m1i5 


5 Feb. 


ti 




10 


h 


30 


10 


637 


172 


It. 3 


Mh6 


9 Feb. 


1900-21)00 


T 0009 


5 


6 


15 


5 


itho 


119 


It.O 


Mli7 


llA2 Feb. 


2200-0500 


T 0010 


5 


10 


30 


10 


7lt!t 


176 


3.5 


Mli 8 


13/lh Feb. 


2000-0600 




2 


12 


12 


It 


371 


88 


3.7 


Mh9 


15 Feb. 


1200-1900 


T 0011 


5 


7 


25 


5 


563 


120 


3.1t 


M50 


16 Feb. 


1800-0100 


T 0012 


7 


7 


35 


7 


735 


1 U 1 


3.0 


M51 


18 Feb. 


1900-0100 


T 0013 


7 


7 


35 


7 


727 


208 


It. 2 


M52 


23 Feb. 


1900-21)00 


T 0018 


5 


7 


25 


5 


5hO 


120 


3.1 


M53 


2lt Feb, 


1900-2300 


T 0015 


5 


7 


25 


5 


1)25 


110 


3.1 


m51* 


27 Feb. 


1900—21)00 


T 0016 


5 


7 


25 


5 


503 


112 


3.2 


m55 


3 Mar. 


If 


T OOlii 


5 


7 


25 


5 


531 


128 


3.7 


mS6 


It Mar. 


It 


T 0019 


5 


7 


25 


5 


51h 


12lt 


3.5 


M57 


6/7 Mar. 


1900-0600 


T 0017 


5 


13 


30 


5 


920 


212 


3.3 


V58 


18 Mar. 


1900-2h00 


T 0020 


5 


7 


25 


5 


509 


171 


It. 9 


M59 


20/21 Mar. 


2100-0600 


T 0021 


5 


11 


30 


5 


566 


192 


3.5 


m 60 


2lt Mar. 


1900-0000 


T 0022 


5 


7 


25 


5 


620 


180 


5.1 



PART 1 of 3 



JO) C5 55t 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




2l)5 


72 


3.6 


1 


0 


0 


1 


6 


25 


25 


3 


30 


26 k 


88 


lt.lt 


0 


0 


1 


3 


3 


30 


10 


3 


30 


297 


72 


3.6 


0 


0 


1 


3 


3 


16 


5.3 


3 


33 


279 


72 


3.6 


1 


0 


0 


3 


3 


16 


5.3 


3 


37 


2i)5 


78 


3.9 


0 


0 


1 


3 


3 


32 


10.7 


3 


27 


21)7 


58 


3.6 


1 


0 


0 


3 


3 


16 


5.3 


3 


27 


21)3 


68 


3.1) 


0 


0 


1 


3 


3 


21 


7.0 


3 


35 


288 


83 


1).2 


0 


0 


1 


3 


3 


21 


7.0 


3 


35 


310 


78 


3.9 


1 


0 


0 


3 


3 


31 


10.3 


3 


33 


321) 


102 


lt.0 


0 


0 


1 


1) 


3 


35 


8.8 


1) 


38 


CO 

0 

cn 


83 


l).l 


1 


0 


0 


3 


3 


16 


5.3 


3 


33 


637 


172 


1).3 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


- 


3 


68 


1)1)0 


119 


1).0 


0 


0 


1 


5 


3 


33 


6.6 


5 


1)5 


71)U 


176 


3.5 


0 


0 


1 


8 


6 


51 


6.1) 


9 


68 


371 


88 


3.7 


1 


1 


0 


10 


12 


61 


6.1 


11 


35 


563 


120 


3.1) 


0 


0 


1 


5 


3 


31 


6.2 


6 


65 


735 


11)1) 


3.0 


0 


1 


0 


1) 


3 


30 


7.5 


6 


65 


727 


208 


1). 2 


1 


1 


0 


9 


6 


61 


6.8 


6 


65 


51)0 


120 


3.1' 


1 


1 


0 


11 


6 


58 


5.3 


6 


10 


1)25 


110 


3.1 


1 


1 


0 


9 


6 


51 


5.7 


6 


1)5 


503 


112 


3.2 


1 


1 


0 


11 


6 


88 


8.0 


6 


50 


531 


128 


3.7 


1 


1 


0 


9 


6 


56 


6.2 


6 


55 


511) 


121) 


3.5 


1 


0 


1 


7 


6 


56 


8.0 


6 


55 


920 


212 


3.3 


1 


1 


0 


21) 


12 


81) 


3.5 


12 


50 


509 


171 


1).9 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


- 


6 


55 


566 


192 


3.5 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


0 


- 


10 


1)0 


620 


180 


5.1 


0 


1 


0 


3 


6 


1)5 


15.0 


6 


30 



PART 2 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



nde 

ors 




TABLE II-2 

MESOMETEOROLOGICAL SURVEYS 
MINNEAPOLIS 



COMPUTING AND ANALYSIS 



TwESI 

Wire sonde 
MHrs. 


MHrs. 

Per 

Ascent 


No. 2 
Meter 

Survey Maps 


Traverse Data 
Reduction 
MHrs. (P) 


Total Map 
Plotting & 
Drafting MHrs.(P) 


2 Meter Survey 
Analysis 
MHrs. (F) 


No. 

Wiresonde 

Charts 


wiresonde Data 
Reduction & 
Drafting MHrs.(P) 


25 


25 


3 


30 


10* 


* 


1 


3 


30 


10 


3 


30 


28 


U4 


1 


8 


16 


5.3 


3 


33 


26 


15 


1 


8 


16 


5.3 


3 


37 


12* 


* 


1 


8 


32 


10.7 


3 


27 


26 


18 


1 


10 


16 


5.3 


3 


27 


7* 


* 


1 


9 


21 


7.0 


3 


35 


28 


16 


1 


9 


21 


7.0 


3 


35 


10* 


* 


1 


10 


31 


10.3 


3 


33 


10* 


* 


1 


9 


35 


8.8 


li 


38 


10* 


■* 


1 


7 


16 


5.3 


3 


33 


10* 


* 


1 


8 


0 


- 


3 


68 


2 I 4 * 


* 


0 


0 


33 


6.6 


5 


15 


12* 


* 


1 


8 


51 


6 .I 4 


9 


68 


15* 


* 


1 


16 


61 


6.1 


11 


35 


3* 


* 


5 


16 


31 


6.2 


6 


65 


28 


30 


1 


11 


30 


7.5 


6 


65 


33 


30 


l 


7 


61 


6.8 


6 


65 


33 


18 


6 


26 


58 


5.3 


6 


10 


35 


27 


7 


22 


51 


5.7 


6 


145 


7* 


* 


7 


23 


88 


8.0 


6 


50 


12* 


* 


7 


20 


56 


6.2 


6 


55 


10* 


* 


6 


20 


56 


8.0 


6 


55 


8* 


* 


5 


15 


BU 


3.5 


12 


5b 


8* 


* 


18 


33 


0 


- 


6 


55 


28 


30 


0 


0 


0 


- 


10 


I 40 


I48 


35 


0 


0 


145 


15.0 


6 


30 


27 


2 I 4 


1 


12 



* Work not completed as of 31 March 1953 



PART 3 of 3 



Pag® 19 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 





GENERAL 








2 METER 


TEMPERATURE SUE 






Map 


No. 


No. 


No. 




Tra-p 


Survey 


Date 


Times 


Routes 


Runs Per 


Traverse 


No. 


Car 


No. 


1933 


CST 


Used 


Route 


Men 


Cars 


Mile 


M1018 


3 Jan. 


2000-2200 


3 


a 


9 


3 


2oe 


M1019 


6 Jan. 


it 


3 


a 


9 


3 


21C 


M1020 


8 Jan. 


ti 


k 


a 


12 


a 


28C 


M1021 


12 Jan. 


it 


3 


a 


13 


5 


297 


M1022 


13 Jan. 


it 


k 


a 


12 


a 


288 


M1023 


U Mar. 


ii 


h 


a 


12 


a 


28 a 


M102U 


3 Mar. 


ti 


3 


a 


13 


5 


3aa 


M1025 


6 Mar. 


it 


3 


a 


13 


5 


ao2 


M1026 


11 Mar. 


n 


3 


a 


13 


5 


33 a 


M1027 


12 Mar. 


ti 


3 


a 


13 


5 


38C 


M1028 


13 Mar. 


ti 


3 


a 


13 


5 


373 


M1029 


16 Mar. 


ii 


3 


a 


13 


5 


397 


M1030 


18 Mar. 


n 


3 


a 


13 


5 


393 


M1031 


19 Mar. 


ii 


3 


a 


13 


5 


39C 


M1032 


2k Mar. 


it 


3 


a 


15 


5 


373 


M1033 


23 Mar. 


ti 


3 


a 


15 


5 


392 


M103U 


26 Mar. 


ti 


3 


a 


15 


5 


39C 


M1033 


27 Mar. 


ii 


3 


a 


15 


5 


373 



(P) Part-time personnel 
(F) Full-time personnel 
* Work not completed as of 31 March 1933. 



part 1 of 2 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




TABLE I 1-3 



MESOMETEOROLOGICAL SURVEYS 
ST. LOUIS 



.E SURVEYS COMPUTING AND ANALYSIS 



Traverse 


Total 


Traverse 


No. 2 


Traverse 
Data Re- 


Total 

Map Plotting 


2 Meter 
Survey 


Car 


Traverse 


MHrs. Per 


Meter 


duction 


& Drafting 


Analyses 


Miles 


MHrs.(P) 


Run (P) 


Survey Maps 


MHrs . ( P) 


MHrs.(P) 


MHrs.(F) 


208 


So 


U.2 


3 


2U 


7* 


* 


210 


50 


U. 2 


3 


26 


2U 


12 


280 


86 


5.14 


3 


29 


2U 


15 


297 


101 


5.0 


3 


30 


22 


12 


288 


72 


U.5 


3 


33 


23 


15 


28U 


62 


3.9 


3 


25 


* 


•a 


3UU 


8U 


It. 2 


3 


25 


22 


12 


1*02 


77 


3.9 


3 


23 


9* 


* 


33U 


72 


3.6 


3 


23 


7* 


-a 


380 


81 


U.l 


3 


26 


■» 


a 


373 


72 


3.6 


3 


23 


* 


* 


397 


109 


5.5 


3 


28 


* 


•K- 


393 


87 


ij.Ii 


3 


25 


* 


* 


390 


82 


U.l 


3 


22 


•a- 


* 


373 


83 


U.2 


3 


28 


* 


* 


392 


109 


5.5 


3 


27 




* 


390 


85 


U.3 


3 


2U 


* 


* 


373 


89 


U.5 


3 


26 


* 


* 



Part 2 of 2 



Page 20 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




reduced to 8 to 12 miles because of the icy street condition prevailing 
during this winter period. Each route is designed to take approximately 
J>f> minutes in route coverage time, observing maximum speed regulations of 
30 miles per hour or less. Time is allowed on certain routes for the pro- 
curement of supplementary data, such as wind direction and velocity, and 
lake water temperatures. Normally, three men comprise the crew of a trav- 
erse car (Fig* II-l), 

Design of the traverse routes has required careful consideration of traf- 
fic patterns, shopping nights, sporting events, left-turn restrictions and 
the necessity for avoiding dangerous intersections not controlled by sig- 
nal lights. Because of inaccuracies found prevalent in the available 
street maps of both Minneapolis and St. Louis, it has been found necessary 
to conduct a trial run on each route prior to its use in a test. 

5>. Traverse Scheduling 

Traverses are normally scheduled during the evening to cover a period of 
four hours at the rate of one each hour 0 Wien tracer tests are in prog- 
ress, traverses are so scheduled as to provide maps beginning one hour 
prior to the tracer tests and ending one hour after completion of the tests. 
Tracer tests are also conducted from time to time during the early morning 
hours and during daytime in order to determine the effect of these times 
on the aerosol diffusion pattern. Testing times are limited to some ex- 
tent by the availability of the part-time personnel used in the operations. 




Page 21 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP, PPG 




6. Selection of Wire sonde Sites 

In order to obtain the vertical temperature structure over the heat island 
and the heat low, wiresonde sites are selected as close as possible to the 
center of the urban area and to the normally coldest surface point® It is 
further required that the sites selected be relatively free of surface ob- 
stacles and be accessible to vehicles ® It is important in establishing 
any wiresonde site that the location be sufficiently removed from trees, 
tall buildings, and in particular, high tension power lines, to constitute 
a minimum hazard to operating personnel and to preclude loss of equipment 
at times when balloons are blown to low elevation angles 0 In Minneapolis 
the urban site is on top of a one-story building adjacent to the field 
office and just outside the area of tall buildings 0 The rural site is lo- 
cated in Wirth Park near Wirth Lake, a location which has proved to be a 
consistent low point in the temperature pattern. In St® Louis it is con- 
sidered that a location on one of the many two-story buildings in the vi- 
cinity of 9th Street and Del Mar (on the periphery of the tall building 
area) will be near the heat island. The only feasible rural site adequate 
for the purpose in St. Louis is along the banks of the stream in Forest 
Park® It is anticipated that permission will be extended by city officials 
for the use of such a site* 

7. Wiresonde Scheduling 

Wiresonde ascents are so scheduled that the peak of the first run is 
reached simultaneously with the start of the second auto traverse® Ascents 
are then scheduled for each hour with the last peak being reached at the 





start of the last auto traverse* This procedure provides a wire sonde 
ascent coinciding with each horizontal temperature survey map* An expe- 
rienced crew will normally complete one ascent to the maximum altitude 
of 1000 feet in a total period of 30 minutes, 

8, Mobile Meteorological Stations 

Mobile meteorological stations are set up for each tracer test to deter- 
mine meteorological conditions existing in the area during diffusion of 
the aerosol cloud* Their function and type of data recorded are discussed 
under Meteorology in Section V-C-U* 

9* Data Reduction and Analysis 

Data reduction is normally accomplished by p apt-time personnel within four 
or five days after each test. The instrument readings are converted to 
actual temperatures by means of tables obtained from calibration curves 1 
made for each thermistor-bridge set. Interpolation to a common map time 
is accomplished in accordance with the procedure detailed in Stanford 
Quarterly Report 18£6-3 Appendix A. These data are next plotted on area 
maps to provide temperatures along traverse routes at the points at which 
readings were originally taken, Wiresonde temperatures are plotted on 
standard graph paper. Analysis of the surface charts, consisting of deter- 
mination of isothermal contours, is accomplished by the Chief Meteorolo- 
gist* Analysis of individual maps takes between one-half hour and five 
hours depending on the degree of complexity of the thermal patterns. A 
summary of meteorological conditions prevailing during the test period 




Page 23 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG. 




is then prepared from examination of the analyzed horizontal temperature 
maps, the wiresonde curves, the raob from the nearest Weather Bureau 
raob station, the applicable hourly weather observations, and the surface 
and 700 mb charts 0 

10* Personnel 

An adequate number of part-time personnel has been available in Minneapolis . 
It has, however, been difficult to obtain a sufficient number of responsible 
men to act as balloon crew captains for wiresonde operations (Fig. II-2) 0 
For this purpose young engineers in the first years of their career have 
proven the most reliable. In St. Louis it has been difficult to obtain 
sufficient personnel of any description and in particular responsible peo- 
ple for the balloon captain positions. Considering the tight labor market, 
this situation will undoubtedly continue throughout the period of the proj- 
ect in that city. 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 

ll gas 



D. TRACER TESTS (MINNEAPOLIS) 

1, General 

During the current period, tests to determine the behavior of aerosol 
clouds in cities were conducted in Minneapolis only. Four areas were 
used for the tests as described in JQR 2. The areas consisted of a resi- 
dential section (Able Area), an area traversed by a river course (Baker 
Area), an open and relatively flat area (Charlie Area), and a downtown 
section (Dog Area). The last tests in the winter series were city wide 
in scope. Plans for conducting similar tests in other cities will be 
found in a subsequent portion of this Section. 

A total of 6f> separate field tests were conducted in which fluorescent 
material was released in 61. The other four tests were performed in the 
process of training operating personnel, checking equipment operation in 
the field, and obtaining background particulate samples in the Minneapolis 
area. Fluorescent tracer material was released in 2h tests in the resid- 
ential area, in XU tests in the river area, in 12 tests in the open area, 
and in 9 tests in the downtown area. Two releases were made on a city-wide 
basis. 

Operations for the period represent a total of 81 field experiment hours 
and 11,170 man-hours, including full-time and part-time personnel in the 
field and laboratory. Experiments were conducted predominantly in the 
evening hours between 2000 and 2li00, with several supporting experiments 
being conducted in the early morning hours between midnight and 0600 and 
in the afternoon hours between 1300 and 1700. 




Page 2$ 




2. Test Data 

Table II— U enumerates all field tests conducted in the current period and 
gives pertinent statistics for the several main phases of a field opera- 
tion. These phases consist of test preparations, aerosol generation, sam- 
pling, and analysis. Additional data are given for field meteorological 
station activities. Total man-hour expenditure figures for various opera- 
tions are listed and a basis for comparison of tests is shown by man-hours 
per unit operation. 

3. Public Relations 

Advance meetings with the Mayor of Minneapolis, the Minneapolis City Coun- 
cil, and the Public Utilities Committee were held in August and September 
of 19f>2 as previously outlined in JQR 1. The result of these meetings was 
the extension of the full cooperation of various city departments to the 
field office during the test program. 

Prior to starting the tracer test program in January, representatives of 
the field office were invited to meet with the Chief of Police and the 
Fire Marshall to apprise these departments of the areas and hours of opera- 
tion. It was the desire of these departments to be prepared to dispel the 
anticipated concern of citizens calling to report unusual activities at 
unusual hours. At the suggestion of police officials, identification plac- 
ards reading H 0fficial Test Car” were printed. These cards are issued to 
personnel involved in the use of automobiles for temperature traverses and 




Page 26 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED 



JOD.DPG 





GENERAL 








TEST PREPARATION 








AEROSOL GENERATION 






Field 

Test 

No. 


Date Type 

1953 Area 


Period 
Hrs. CST 


Test 

Planning 

MHra. 


Filter 

Prep. 

MKrs.(P) 


Flow Equip. 

Rate Prep. 

MKrs.(P) MHra.(P) 


Total 

Prep. 

MHra. 

fcAja 


Prep. 
MHra, per 
Sampler 

(p * p) 


Time Type 

Hrs. CST Source 


No. 

Operators 
Elev. (p) 


Total 

Operator 

MHrs. 

in 


Vehicle 

Mile3 



000 U 


15 Jan. 


(Initial Equipment Cheek Test) - 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


" 


- 


" 


“ 


- 


* 


0002& 


16 Jan. 


Res id. 


. 2000-2100 


30 


lx 


20 


17 


71 


2.5 


None 






- 


_ 


.. 


000 Tb 


" 


* 


2130-2230 






















0003a 


19 Jan. 


Resid. 


, 2000-2100 


18 


9 


23 


17 


67 


1.7 


2032 


Pt. 


Veh. 


2 


12 


18 


0003b 


a 


a 


2130-2300 






2135 


" 










OOOha 


21 Jan. 


Reaid. 


, 2000-2100 














2010 


Pt. 


Veh. 




12 


15 


000 lib 


* 


« 


Z1 20-2220 


20 


9 


33 


33 


95 


1.8 


2123 


" 


" 


2 


000 he 


" 


" 


22UO-23UO 














221,3 




" 








000$a 


26 Jan. 


River 


2000-2100 


36 


7 


38 


33 


lib 


2.0 


2022 


Pt. 


Veh. 


2 


10 


18 


0005b 


" 


" 


2130-2230 




2138 












0006* 

0006b 


28 Jan. 


River 


2000-2100 

2130-2230 


2lx 


10 


1x1 


36 


111 


1.3 


2015 

21b8 


Pt. 


Veh. 


2 


10 


18 


0007a 


30 Jan. 


River 


2000-2100 
















Pt. 


Veh. 




15 




0007b 


a 


« 


2130-2230 


20 


15 


30 


36 


101 


1.3 




a 




2 


21 


0007c 


" 


• 


2300-21(00 
















" 










0008a 


3 Fab. 


Resid. 


2000-2115 














2006 


Pt. 


Veh. 




15 


15 


0008b 


* 


a 


2130-221x5 


30 


30 


21 


26 


107 


1.2 


213b 


" 


" 


2 


0008c 


■ 


" 


2300-0015 














230b 












0009a 


9 Feb. 


Resid. 


. 2000-2115 














2017 


Pt. 


Veh. 




15 


16 


0009b 


• 


a 


2130-221x5 


25 


27 


17 


2 lx 


93 


1.0 


2135 


a 


Roof 


2 


0009c 


a 


a 


2300-0015 














2305 


a 


Veh. 








0010a 


12 Feb. 


Reeid. 


0015-0115 














0020 


Pt. 


Roof 








0010b 

0010c 




a 


0135-0235 

0300-01x00 


12 


25 


17 


20 


7b 


.76 


01 LO 
0305 


" 


Veh. 


2 


12 


16 


OOlOd 


" 


a 


01x15-0520 














Ob25 


" 


" 








0011a 


15 Feb. 


Reaid. 


11x00-1525 








28 




.81 


ibo5 


Pt. 


Roor 




10 


lb 


0011b 


■ 


a 


1530-1655 


12 


17 


20 


77 


1535 


a 


a 


2 


0011c 


a 


" 


1700-1800 














1710 


a 


Veh. 








0012a 


16 Feb. 


Open 


2200-221x0 














2200 


Pt. 


Surf. 








0012b 

0012c 


■ 


a 

a 


221x0-2320 

2320-21x00 


1x8 


15 


25 


30 


118 


1.2 


225b 

23b5 


a 

a 


a 

a 


2 


12 


32 


0012d 


17 Feb. 


a 


21x00-001x0 














0050 


* 


a 








0013a 


18 Feb. 


Open 


2100-2200 














20 30 


Pt. 


Surf, 








0013b 

0013c 




a 


2200-221x5 

221x5-2320 


36 


13 


23 


3lx 


106 


1.05 


2135 

2230 


a 


a 


2 


10 


30 


0013d 


• 


" 


2320-21x00 














2255 


a 


a 








OOliia 
00 Ub 


3 Mar. 


Reaid. 


, 2000-2120 
2120-2?lj0 


12 


10 


16 


19 


57 


.57 


2005 

2125 

22b5 


Pt. 

Line 


Veh. 

a 

a 


3 


15 


18 


OOlliC 


" 


■ 


221x0-231x0 
























0015a 

0015b 


2b Feb. 


City 


2000-2115 

2115-2230 


2lx 


10 


17 


20 


71 


.65 


2006 

2155 

2235 


Pt. 


Veh. 


2 


10 


10 


0015c 


* 


" 


2230-2330 
























0016a 

0016b 


27 Fab. 

■ 


City 


2000-2115 

2115-2230 


16 


10 


1 lx 


18 


58 


.53 


2027 

2125 

2235 


Pt. 


Veh. 


2 


10 


11 


0016c 


a 


" 


2230-231x5 
























0017a 

0017b 


7 Mar. 

a 


City 


0030-011x5 

0200-0315 


16 


10 


23 


27 


76 


.68 


0053 

0211 

031x0 


Pt. 


Veh. 


3 


1? 


11 


0017c 


a 


" 


0330-01x1x5 
























0018a 


23 Feb. 


Open 


2000-2100 














2015 


Pt. 


Surf. 




10 


32 


00l8b 


« 


a 


2100-2200 


12 


10 


19 


23 


6b 


.63 


2110 

2212 

2308 


„ 


* 


2 


0018c 


* 


a 


2200-2300 














n 










00l8d 


* 


a 


2300-21x00 
























0019a 

0019b 


b Mar. 


River 

a 


2000-2120 

2120-2300 


12 


10 


Hx 


28 


6b 


.63 


2005 

2125 

2305 


Line 


Veh. 


3 


15 


21 


0019c 


a 


a 


2300-21x00 
























0020a 

0020b 

0020c 


18 Mar. 

a 

a 


Reaid. 

a 


. 2000-2100 
2120-2220 
22lxO-23U0 


10 


10 


1 ix 


30 


6b 


.61 


2005 

2125 

22b5 


Line 

Pt, 

Line 


Veh. 


3 


17 


28 


0021a 


21 Mar. 


River 


0030-0130 














00b 5 
0215 
035b 


Pt. 


Veh. 




lb 


19 


0021b 




a 


0200-0300 


12 


10 


17 


28 


67 


,6b 




m 


2 


0021o 


* 


* * 


0330-01x30 






















0021d 


* 


" 


0500-0600 














0515 












0022a 


2k Mar. 


All City 1930-2300 


10 


8 


12 


33 


63 


.62 


2000 

2300 


Line 


Veh. 


3 


21 


53 


0022b 


a 


a 


2300-0230 




























Footnotes 1 


(F) Full-time hours j 


(P) Part-time hours j 




(a) Includes napping time; 


(b) Includes training 


hours 





PART 1 of 3 



Total 

Operator 

MHrs. 

ill 

12 

12 

10 

10 

1 ? 

15 

15 

12 

10 

12 

10 

15 

10 

10 

15 

10 

15 

17 

1L 

21 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 













SAMPLING 
















ANALYSIS 






Vehicle 

Miles 


Samplers 

Used 


Exposed 
Outdoors 
El .1-6 ft. 


Exposed 
Outdoors 
El. >6 ft. 


Exposed 

Indoors 


No. 

Operators 

<P) 


Total 

Operator 

MHrs. 

O’) 


Operator MHrs. 
per Sampler 
per P.elease 

ii> 


No. 

Sampler 

Cars 


Total 
Sampler 
Car Miles 


No. 

Slides 


Slide 

Prep. 

MHrs. 


Prelim. 

Eval. 

MHrs.(F) 


Slide 

Counting 

WHrs.(P)(b) 


Counting 
MHrs. per 
Slide (P) 


Total 
Computing 
MHrs .(F) 


Draftii 

MHrs. 

<p ft f; 


- 






- 


- 








- 


- 


- 




- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


28 


28 


0 


0 


16 


52i 


.96 


12 


170 


55 


10 


- 


N.C. 


- 




8 


18 


1|0 


bo 


0 


0 


18 


96 


1.20 


11 


161 


120 


17 


8 


90 


.75 


10 


2b 


15 


52 


b7 


2 


3 


23 


132 


.85 


17 


2li8 


11,6 


17 


8 


95 


.65 


12 


2b 


18 


56 


.53 


3 


0 


29 


160 


1.U3 


20 


3bh 


116 


12 


7 


65 


.56 


10 


30 


18 


83 


77 


5 


1 


ii2 


2b0 


1.1*5 


33 


58b 


166 


18 


8 


90 


• 5L 


17 


27 


21 


75 


70 


b 


1 


33 


200 


.89 


27 


69li 


21,8 


25 


10 


101 


.1,1 


20 


22 


15 


92 


6B 


U 


20 


li9 


293 


1.06 


iiO 


701 


365 


50 


12 


182 


.50 


27 


16 


16 


93 


72 


b 


17 


Ii7 


32h 


1.16 


36 


62b 


387 


L8 


10 


170 


.Lb 


30 


20 


16 


97 


87 


3 


7 


39 


305 


.79 


36 


667 


L07 


35 


n 


158 


.38 


31 


27 


lli 


96 


82 


5 


9 


iiO 


269 


.95 


38 


61ili 


339 


33 


8 


121 


.35 


27 


25 


32 


101 


101 


0 


0 


32 


281 


.70 


30 


H82 


399 


28 


8 


150 


.38 


30 


b6 


30 


101 


101 


0 


0 


li5 


321 


.79 


la 


lli26 


LOli 


23 


9 


173 


• b3 


28 


bO 


18 


100 


90 


b 


6 


37 


258 


.86 


35 


653 


367 


2L 


7 


n5 


.31 


25 


27 


10 


110 


51 


2 b 


32 


IiO 


27b 


.83 


33 


511 


L12 


20 


8 


135 


.33 


30 


28 


11 


110 


50 


25 


35 


bo 


292 


.89 


33 


528 


L20 


19 


8 


126 


.30 


30 


28 


11 


no 


60 


25 


25 


39 


268 


.80 


36 


636 


122 


21 


8 


127 


.30 


28 


25 


32 


101 


101 


0 


0 


Ui 


320 


.79 


38 


1357 


L0L 


21 


8 


20L 


.50 


25 


bO 


21 


100 


95 


2 


3 


li8 


333 


i.n 


33 


7liB 


319 


16 


7 


105 


.33 


2b 


20 


28 


101 


103 


1 


0 


31 


236 


.76 


26 


633 


312 


16 


7 


117 


.38 


20 


32 


19 


lob 


10b 


0 


0 


31 


280 


.68 


27 


721 


L03 


16 


B 


133 


.33 


20 


29 


53 


102 


88 


Hi 


0 


U2 


37 b 


1.90 


32 


1506 


219 


12 


6 


75 


.3b 


13 


16 



PART 2 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




TABLE II-b 

SUMMARY OF DATA ON MINNEAPOLIS TRACER TESTS 



ANALYSIS 


Total 

Operator 

MHrs. 

i£) . 


Operator MHrs. 
per Sampler 
per Release 

(P) 


No. 

Sampler 

Cars 


Total 
Sampler 
Car Miles 


No. 

Slides 


Slide 

Prep. 

MHrs. 


Prelim. 

Eral. 

MHrs.(F) 


Slide 
Counting 
MHrs.(P) (b) 


Counting 
MHrs. per 
Slide (P) 


Total 

Computing 

MHrs.(F) 


Drafting 

MHrs. 

(P & F) 


Plotting 
MHrs. (F) 




- 


- 


- 


- 




- 


- 


- 


- 




- 


5b 


.96 


12 


170 


55 


10 


- 


N.C. 


- 


- 


8 


- 


96 


1.20 


u 


161 


120 


17 


8 


90 


.75 


10 


2b 


6 


132 


.85 


17 


2b 8 


lb6 


17 


8 


95 


.65 


12 


2b 


8 


160 


l.b3 


20 


3bb 


116 


12 


7 


65 


.56 


10 


30 


6 


2b0 


1.1*5 


33 


58b 


166 


18 


8 


90 


.5b 


17 


27 


8 


200 


.89 


27 


69b 


2b8 


25 


10 


101 


.hi 


20 


22 


10 


293 


1.06 


bo 


701 


365 


50 


12 


182 


.93 


27 


16 


lb 


32b 


1.16 


36 


62b 


387 


b8 


10 


170 


.lib 


30 


20 


15 


305 


.79 


36 


667 


bO 7 


35 


n 


158 


.38 


31 


27 


16 


269 


.95 


38 


6bb 


339 


33 


8 


121 


.35 


27 


25 


13 



METEOROLOGICAL 

Met. Met. 

Vet. Station Station 

Surrey Street Roof- Field 

No. Level Top Test No. 



None 

M-3b 2 

M-35 2 

V-36 2 

v-38 3 

U-bo 3 

K-bl 3 

M-b3 2 

V-b6 2 

M-b7 2 

M-b9 2 



0001a 

0002a 

0002b 



1 



1 



0 



0003a 

0003b 

OOOba 

OOObb 

OOObc 

000 5a 
0005b 



000 6a 
0006b 



0007a 

0 0007b 
0007c 

0008a 

1 0008b 
0008c 



0009a 
1 0009b 

0009c 

0010a 
. 0010b 

0010c 
OOlOd 

OOlla 
1 0011b 

0011c 



281 


.70 


30 


1182 


399 


28 


8 


150 


321 


.79 


bl 


lb26 


bob 


23 


9 


173 


258 


.86 


35 


653 


367 


2b 


7 


115 


27b 


.83 


33 


5li 


bl2 


20 


8 


135 


292 


.89 


33 


528 


b20 


19 


8 


126 


268 


.80 


36 


636 


b22 


21 


8 


127 


320 


.79 


38 


1357 


bob 


21 


8 


20b 


333 


l.U 


33 


7b8 


319 


16 


7 


105 


236 


.76 


26 


633 


312 


16 


7 


117 


280 


.68 


27 


721 


b03 


16 


8 


133 


37b 


1.90 


32 


1506 


219 


12 


6 


75 



0012a 



.38 


30 


b6 


10 


M-50 


2 


0 


0012b 

0012c 

0012d 


• b3 


28 


bO 


10 


m-51 


3 


0 


0013a 

0013b 

0013c 

0013d 


.31 


25 


27 


13 


m-55 


3 


1 


OOlba 

OOlbb 

OOlbc 


.33 


30 


28 


16 


u-53 


3 


1 


0015a 

0015b 

0015c 


.30 


30 


28 


16 


M-5U 


3 


2 


0016a 

0016b 

0016c 


.30 


28 


25 


10 


u-57 


3 


2 


0017a 

0017b 

0017c 


.50 


25 


bO 


12 


M-52 


b 


0 


0018a 

0018b 

00l8c 

00l8d 


.33 


2b 


20 


8 


v-56 


U 


0 


0019a 

0019b 

0019c 


.38 


20 


32 


8 


m-58 


2 


1 


0020a 

0020b 

0020c 


.33 


20 


29 


11 


M-59 


3 


0 


0021a 

0021b 

0021c 

0021d 


.3b 


13 


16 


6 


M-60 


3 


2 


0022a 

0022b 



PART 3 of 3 



Page 27 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




field meteorological stations, and to sampler operators using parked Auto- 
mobiles for sampler stations. The cards are prominently displayed on wind- 
shields while the automobiles are in such use. 

In connection with the phase of the program concerned with the penetration 
of aerosols into residences and buildings, city officials were advised of 
a subsidiary requirement for determining the degree of infiltration of 
smoke screens into a few representative residences. At the request of field 
representatives, complete rosters of personnel in both the police and fire 
departments were furnished. It was anticipated that employees in these de- 
partments could be contacted in each of the test areas regarding location 
of equipment in homes. A letter of introduction to Minneapolis city employ- 
ees and to citizens in general was prepared by the Mayor requesting the co- 
operation of persons contacted in connection with the test program. This 
letter was later augmented by similar documents from the Minneapolis Air 
Pollution Control Engineer and the Chief of Civil Defense. This portfolio 
was delivered to the field office and was of great help to personnel in 
the process of securing use of private homes, buildings, and land for equip- 
ment locations. Thus "official sanction" was given to otherwise questiona- 
ble requests. Even so, field personnel encountered a considerable number 
of refusals to cooperate with requests for permission to locate sampling 
equipment in homes. As many as ten contacts were made for each acceptance. 
Only two city employees were found to reside in the test areas selected, 
and it was necessary, therefore, to resort to house-to-house canvassing 
to obtain the necessary residences. The Northwestern Bell Telephone Com- 
pany, the Northwestern National Bank, and other large and small bui l d in g 




Page 28 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




owners in the city proper have cooperated fully in permitting sampling 
equipment to be located throughout these structures. Likewise, little 
difficulty was experienced in obtaining use of farm land for the open- 
area tests. For this operation some half dozen owners granted permission 
to the field office to survey a grid system, and to erect stakes for some 
100 sampler locations. Permission was granted for full run of the land 
by operating personnel in the tests involving use of this area. 

During the first several field tests in the residential area, the police 
received numerous calls from residents reporting strange activities in 
the area. The sampling phase in particular aroused considerable curiosity 0 
For several evenings in succession, sampling equipment was molested by 
curious passers-by, and several sampling units were actually found missing 
from stations. All of these were eventually recovered, however, either 
being returned by citizens In the area or by the police to whom the sam- 
plers had been turned in. 

The local press has been cognizant of the proposed operations in Minneapo- 
lis, having been represented at a city council meeting early in the program 
in which the purported nature of the program was presented. As a result 
of the general interest stimulated by the appearance of equipment in the 
first field tests, the Minneapolis Tribune carried the following article 
on 20 January 1953s 

"In summer it was flying saucers. In winter it's little 
gray boxes that just sit on street corners, ticking and pur- 
ring. 

Page 29 




REGRADE D UN CLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



•'Several Minneapolis residents phoned police Monday about 
•ticking boxes' sitting in the snow in front of their homes. 

Most of the reports came from the vicinity of Clinton Avenue 
between Twenty-seventh and Lake Streets. 

"'I am not at liberty to say what these boxes are,' said 
E. I. (Pat) Walling, inspector of uniformed police, 'but they 
are nothing for citizens to get alarmed about. • 

"One observer indicated the boxes are being used in a 
series of tests intended to help the Army learn to throw smoke 
screens over American cities. They could be used to measure 
the concentration in the air of a fine, harmless powder blown 
over the city. 

"The Minneapolis Tribune learned in November that The 
Ralph M. Parsons Company of Los Angeles, California, would con- 
duct some UO tests for the Amy Chemical Corps in the Twin 
Cities area. This firm's name appears on cars from which guards 
watch the boxes. 

"Government research has shown that even in an age of radar- 
bombing, it may be desirable to hide cities with smoke screens 
in event of atomic attack. It is not known if any smoke has 
been released over Minneapolis. Several other cities also are 
involved in the tests, 

"The metal boxes are about Hi by 12* by 10 inches in dimen- 
sion. A small metal nozzle extends from the side. The noise 
coming from the boxes may be from a small battery-operated suc- 
tion motor. 

Page 30 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




"Worried guards at Twenty-seventh Street and Clinton Ave- 
nue conducted a fruitless search for a missing box last night. 

Another one of the machines disappeared at Lake Street and 
Clinton. A guard said they are worth *a couple of hundred 
dollars. * 

"The Parsons company has offices at 918 Third Avenue South 
and employ^ 10 full-time people and some 6? part-time workers. 

Many of these workers place and guard the boxes at city inter- 
sections. Guards park their cars so they can watch two boxes 
at one time on a corner. Nothing on or near the box indicates; 
their purpose. 

"‘They need changing every three hours,' one guard remarked, 
but he would not allow a Tribune reporter to look beneath the 
lid." 

Other local newspapers followed with reports of similar content. Public 
curiosity diminished rapidly following these press releases. However, to 
prevent further idle tampering or actual loss of equipment by theft, opera- 
tors were furnished chains and locks with which the sampling equipment 
could be secured to trees, lamp poles, or similar permanent objects. Few 
molestations of consequence occurred during the balance of the program. 

lu Test Planning 

Both general and specific requirements for the Minneapolis winter tests 
were outlined for the field office by Stanford University. Such plans 
have specified? 







Page 31 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



a. The point or line source type of aerosol generation, ele- 
vation requirements, and general order of the quantity of 
tracer material to be released for each type of generation, 
b» The approximate number of tests to be conducted in each area 
and the operating hours such as early evening, early morning, 
and afternoon, 

c. The general extent of the sampler array for certain special 
tests , 

d* Special requirements, such as location of sampling equipment 
in residences and buildings* 



The first four tracer tests were planned and supervised jointly by Stanford 
and Parsons personnel. Subsequent planning and operational supervision 
were performed by the Parsons field office. 

The actual planning of the test is undertaken with specific objectives in 
mind such as area to be used, meteorological conditions required, period 
of operation, types and relative locations of aerosol generation, and spe- 
cial locations of sampling equipment. The initial test arrays involved a 
limited number of samplers consistent with the small group of inexperienced 
part-time workers then available. These test arrays were essentially rec- 
tangular in shape. As the operating force increased in. prof iciency and 
number, it became possible to place a greater number of units in the field, 
and consequently the areal extent of the arrays was increased to meet more 
nearly the specific objectives of the winter test program. 



0*MATlbw~S&: 



Page 3: 




It was found expedient, however, in planning larger tests later in the 
program, to continue to define a generally rectangular grid of samplers 
in the center of the test area. This basic core, then, can be planned 
2k hours or more in advance, and the necessary mapping and preparation of 
operator instructions for this arrangement can be scheduled prior to the 
peak effort period just preceding the test. The permanent core normally 
includes any residences or buildings to be used for sampling or aerosol 
generating stations. Therefore, time-consuming arrangements for use of 
such premises may be scheduled well in advance of the test,. 

The field office meteorological group, in close liaison with the Weather 
Bureau at Wold-Chamberlain Airport, furnishes progressively more accurate 
forecasts of weather and wind conditions to be expected at the time of 
the test, beginning with a five-day advance forecast and carrying through 
to the conclusion of the actual test. Six: hours prior to the test the 
meteorological group prepares a final forecast, based on the most recent 
weather information available at the Weather Bureau and upon data furnished 
hy field office instruments. Design of the final test grid is undertaken 
at this time, with sampler locations being prepared as an adjunct to the 
basic grid system, consistent with test objectives and the anticipated 
wind direction* 

The sampler array represents a compromise between two requirements. First, 
sufficient equipment must be provided within the area anticipated to be 
covered by the cloud, to determine such parameters as the axis of travel, 
regions of constant concentration, and behavior of the cloud on the 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




downwind side of buildings. Second, some equipment must be located out- 
side the anticipated region of cloud coverage to define a line of some 
minimum effective concentration. Since the very nature of these results 
is the object of the experiments, and is not specifically known, the array 
must be designed with sufficient "safety factor" to ensure accommodation 
of the aerpsol cloud while it is being diffused from the source while under 
the influence of winds which may vary in direction and velocity. For a 
point-source experiment an array of samplers within an included angle of 
approximately 60 to 90 degrees, with the aerosol generator just inside 
the apex, has been found to constitute a suitable system for the initial 
test program,, 

Refinements or modifications of the initial plan of a given test may be 
made in the field prior to a release to accommodate any significant change 
in wind direction. The aerosol generator may be relocated or sampler posi- 
tions may be changed to form a more adaptable grid. The extent of such 
maneuvers is controlled by the time available for moving the equipment, 
the adequacy of field communications, and the degree to which some specific 
test objective, such as determination of the effect of generator location 
on diffusion of the cloud, may be altered. 

The scheduling of operating personnel for a test is given in a subsequent 
portion of this Sfection. 

5. Sampling 

The University of Minnesota has been the principal source of men for 
part-time en?>loyment as sampler operators. A small percentage of the 



Page 3h 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




field crew represents men employed in various private and civil occupations. 
Prerequisites for hire are that men meet minimum security requirements and 
that each man have a means of transportation. The net increase in part- 
time employees assigned to the Tracer Test Division for the current period 
is approximately 60 men. 

As the test program progressed, methods of scheduling personnel, training 
of operating crews, disseminating test plan information, performing certain 
pre-test operations such as flow rating filter units to be used in the sam- 
plers, dispatching men into the field, and maintaining contact with and 
control over the crew while in the field were steadily improved. 

The scope of Initial tests was limited to permit determination of basic 
personnel capabilities and to establish methods for training crews with 
a minimum of confusion. For the first half dozen operations, all availa- 
ble men were scheduled to report to the field office approximately two 
hours prior to the time planned for the first tracer release. This small 
force, averaging less than 20 in number, was assembled to receive opera- 
ting and special test instructions. A standard operating procedure formed 
the basis for discussion. After a question-and-answer period, each man 
was issued the necessary field data sheets, completed with respect to sam- 
pler location and exposure requirements for the evening's operations. 

Each operator was then assigned a number of sampling units, and the test 
directors demonstrated the initial filter flow rating procedure with the 
assistance of the field supervisors. The men and their equipment were 
then dispatched to field positions. Contact with men in the field and 

Page }6 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG,^ 




checking of sampler locations were accomplished by the test command car 
making a circuit of the whole test area. The crew was again used for 
final flow rating of filters after equipment had been returned to the 
field office at the end of the test period. 

As the operating force became proficient, several lead men were selected 
to act as crew captains, and the balance of the force was divided into 
groups and assigned under these men. Each crew presently consists of 
about eight to ten men. The crew captains are delegated the responsibility 
for training of new men assigned to the crews, disseminating special test 
instructions, dispatching men to the field with proper equipment, and 
checking to ensure proper location and operation of sampling equipment in 
the field, all under the guidance of field office supervisors. The system 
of decentralizing supervision of a large number of men has been successful 
and has increased the operating efficiency of the test organization as a 
whole. 

A time and availability chart is now prepared for the entire field force. 
This schedule serves as the basis for hiring additional personnel for 
scheduling of part-time employees for work in the field office prior to 
a test and for the actual field tests. 

A tentative operating schedule is prepared and posted regarding the activi- 
ties to be conducted for the following several weeks. This information 
includes dates of tests, and areas and hours of operation. Crew captains 
are contacted by telephone when a test has been established definitely as 
to date, hours of operation, and number of men required. Crew chiefs then 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




schedule men in their crews for the operation and report in advance of 
test time regarding availability of manpower. The total part-time force 
is necessarily established at a lfcvel exceeding the maximum manpower re- 
quirement for the largest operation in order to ensure that a full working 
crew is available for any given test. Relatively few manpower scheduling 
problems were encountered during the current period, and the working force 
for tracer tests was stabilized in the neighborhood of 60 men, including 
crew chiefs. One problem inherent with employment of students, however, 
is the general dearth of manpower during periods of final examinations 
and vacations. This shortage was experienced just prior to and during the 
University of Minnesota's spring vacation. During' this period tests were 
conducted with some difficulty. 

Under present procedures, flow rating of filter units is performed well 
in advance of the time that the operating crew is scheduled to report for 
a test- Several part-time workers generally can be scheduled to perform 
this work during the day preceding the test 0 A discussion of the flow 
rating procedure is included in Section V of this report. 

Samplers are arranged in the equipment assembly area of the field office 
in separate groups for each field crew. Loaded filter holders are arranged 
in perforated trays in the laboratory, and these are transported on small 
castered tables along lanes between samplers so arranged for flow rating 
(Fig. II-3). Filter holders are selected in the proper quantity for each 
sampler, and flow rates and holder numbers, together with the sampler iden- 
tification number, are recorded on data sheets which are then stored in 




Page 37 




REGRADED 



the sampler box. Sampling equipment is completely prepared for service 
and arranged for the most efficient dispatching into the field prior to 
arrival of the operating crew. Stand-by time of a large number of men 
is thereby reduced to a minimum since the field-crew time schedule permits 
only sufficient time in advance of the test to receive necessary instruc- 
tions and equipment and to take positions in the field. 

The crew captains alone are assembled prior to the arrival of the general 
crew at which time special instructions are given relative to the forth- 
coming operations. Each man is provided with a map showing the locations 
of men and equipment under his cognizance. These instructions are then 
disseminated as necessary to each crew. The crew chief dispatches men 
to field locations with proper equipment and performs the necessary func- 
tion of checking locations and operations in the field during the experi- 
ment. 

Each man in the initial tests was assigned to operate one or toro sampling 
units. Where two units were assigned, one was located in the operator's 
automobile and the other not farther than one-half block distant. As 
operator proficiency increased, it was found that the optimum number of 
samplers to be operated by one man was three when located one-tenth of 
a mile or more aparto Based on the performance of average employees 
handling from two to five sampling units each, this three-unit standard 
was established primarily because frequent inspections of remote equip- 
ment were necessary to discourage tampering by curious people. A greater 
number of samplers may be tended by one man if located in an unpopulated 





N 



Page 38 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG^- 



area or in a building where relative security is assured. Where flexi- 
bility of the grid system is an important factor, it was found that as 
a general rule one man can relocate a maximum of three samplers from one 
side of a one-half mile square grid to the opposite side in the 30 minutes 
generally allotted between test periods. Subsequent releases are delayed 
where time required for transporting and setting up equipment in other lo- 
cations exceeds the normally scheduled interval. 

During a field test the crew chiefs not equipped with portable radio are 
contacted by the command car. R*adio equipment is normally issued to crew 
supervisors cognisant of samplers which are located in areas of the sam- 
pler array most likely to be “deactivated" by a significant shift in 
wind direction. With radio communication facilities, the instructions 
for revision of sampler locations can be issued to field crews in the 
shortest possible time by having the crew chief contact the operators so 
affected. 

After a field test the samplers are returned to the equipment assembly 
area and arranged in the groups from which they were originally taken. 
Those samplers which were located within a radius of l£0 feet downwind 
of the aerosol disperser are segregated into a special group and marked 
for examination of the exterior of the box under ultraviolet light to 
determine the presence of fluorescent particles. If such examination 
indicates the presence of excessive amounts of the tracer material, the 
cases are washed with a detergent to eliminate a possible source of con- 
tamination within the premises. All final flow rating is undertaken by 



Page 39 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JO D.DPG, 




a small crew immediately after each test to provide for release of sam- 
pling equipment to battery charging crews. Exposed filter holders are 
then arranged on small trays in an ordered sequence suitable for prelim- 
inary examination on the following day (see Section ,V). 

While field operations in the residential, river, and downtown areas were 
not materially hindered by deep snow, this was not the case for the open 
test area. High drifts and the general inaccessibility of sampler stations 
made operations in this area extremely difficult. Transportation of sam- 
pling equipment for long distances over the open area was facilitated by 
use of sleds and toboggans. During the first open-area field test, the 
temperature dropped to well below zero degrees Fahrenheit, and under this 
condition it was first perceived that small ice crystals formed on some 
of the filters. With a small starting nucleus, many formations grew so 
large as to cover half of the top of the filter. The origin of these 
crystals is believed to be from several sources such as from moisture in 
the breath of operators and from small air-borne ice and snow crystals. 

The effect of this phenomenon on the analysis of filters will be discussed 
in a subsequent JQR dealing with the field tests involved. 

6. Aerosol Generation 



Because of the nature of the equipment, part-time employees assigned to the 
aerosol generator crew were selected from those men possessing some mechani- 
cal aptitude and technical background. Operation of the dispersal equip- 
ment requires a reasonable degree of mature judgement and the ability to 




Page 1*0 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG,, 



follow a multiple step operating sequence* Three men are presently 
assigned to this crew. A discussion of the operating procedure for the 
aerosol generator is included in Section V. 

An operating manual prepared by Stanford University for the blower type 
aerosol generator with mechanical feeder was the basis for training men 
assigned to this crew. The initial training procedure included a prac- 
tice run in the New Brighton, Minnesota, area in which personnel performed 
all operations incident to the aerosol generator phase of a field test, 
including placement of equipment, preparation of the bulk material for 
dispersal, initial and final weighing, and actual dispersal of tracer 
material over a representative period of time. 

It was recognized at the beginning of the field project that in order to 
ensure validity of results obtained from tests using the fluorescent tra- 
cer technique, the control of contamination of office and laboratory fa- 
cilities by tracer material was of paramount importance. In order that 
contamination of the premises in which the analytical work is performed 
be reduced to an absolute minimum, it was planned that bulk tracer mater- 
ial and all equipment used in connection with the aerosol generation proc- 
ess be stored at a location remote from the field office. A convenient 
arrangement was made with the chief of the disperser crew for storage of 
a ll of this equipment at his home in New Brighton, Minnesota, some eight 
miles distant from the field office. The panel truck used for transporta- 
tion of the generator and crew during test operations is procured from a 
rental agency also remotely located from the field office. The pick up 



SECRET 

INFOtMATIO! 



.as 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG.__ 




and return of this vehicle are arranged for entirely by members of the 
generator crew. Under present procedures the lead-acid aircraft batteries 
comprising the power pack for the generator are stored and charged at the 
field office because of the availability of battery charging facilities 
there. The power pack is segregated from other equipment upon its return 
from a field operation, however, and is examined under ultraviolet light 
and immjpdiately decontaminated, if required, by scrubbing with a detergent 
and water outside the building. This power pack is to be charged and 
stored elsewhere during all forthcoming test periods to eliminate any pos- 
sibility of contamination of field office premises from this source. 

Other sources of contamination such as the generator operating personnel, 
portable radio equipment used by this crew, and field operation data sheets 
are excluded from the field office premises. The miniature lead-acid bat- 
teries for the radio are charged there, however, and the radio is stored 
at the remote location. Dispersal operation notes are transcribed to 
clean sheets in the field, and contaminated sheets are then destroyed. 

For a typical field experiment, the dispersal crew on the truck reports 
to the field office sufficiently in advance of release time to receive 
special instructions and batteries. The crew is then dispatched to the 
test area, where radio contact is maintained at all times with the test 
director. At the dispersal point, after the tracer material has been re- 
leased, necessary weighing and loading operations in preparation for the 
subsequent release are performed in the vehicle. 



INFORMATION 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG._ 






7. Test Direction 



During an operation the Field Test Director, either the Chief of the Tracer 
Test Division or the Assistant Project Engineer, is assisted by the Chief 
of the Meteorological Division, or his assistant. Field test operations 
are either directed from a command car, which is provided with a 30 watt 
mobile transmitter and receiver, or from the field office which is pro- 
vided with a 60 watt main base transmitter and receiver. The command car 
is used as a base of operations particularly in the remote test areas which 
are beyond the effective transmitting range of the small portable radio 
equipment. 

Street level and roof top meteorological stations begin to report local 
wind direction and velocity, as observed from instruments and from the 
track of small helium-filled free-f light balloons, an hour before the 
time scheduled for the first tracer release. These reports are continued 
at 15 minute intervals, or as otherwise required, to furnish the Test 
Director with a complete mesometeorological picture of the test area. 

Where a shift or trend in wind direction significantly different from 
the planned direction is noted, relocation of sampling or generator equip- 
ment may be required. Such revisions in test plans are issued to field 
crews either prior to leaving the equipment assembly area, or are issued 
to crew captains in the field by the main base or command car radio. 

When reports are received that final equipment positions have been taken, 
and that filters are exposed and samplers started, the command car pro- 
ceeds to the location of the aerosol generator for the start of the test. 



* INFORMATION , 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG :=; 




Final reports are received from remote field meteorological stations, and 
when all conditions are satisfied, the aerosol generator crew is instructed 
to proceed with dispersal* A low trajectory free-flight balloon is re- 
leased from the disperser location during tracer dispersal to further de- 
fine the local wind direction. 

Several spare sampling units, complete with flow rated filters, are carried 
in the command car for replacement of any units found to be malfunctioning 
in the field. 

8, Equipment Preparation 
a. Sampling Equipment 

As soon as samplers are returned from the field and flow rating of filter 
holders is accomplished, preparation of the equipment is begun for the 
subsequent operation. The pumps are removed from the cases and are stored 
on shelves adjacent to the equipment assembly area. Any pumps that did 
not operate properly in the field are segregated in preparation for check- 
up in the instrument shop. 

Servicing and charging the lead-acid aircraft type batteries used in the 
samplers represent the major item of equipment preparation for a test opera- 
tion. Three hours of operation of the sampler pump depletes the capacity 
of a f ully charged battery, represented by an initial specific gravity of 
1.29$ or more, to a condition in which the battery is unreliable for fur- 
ther extensive service. Specific gravity readings after such a period of 
service average less than 1.225, indicating the need for a full recharge. 




• Page Wu 

i 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG,, 



Representative cells in each battery are checked with a hydrometer and 
the average reading noted. Electrolyte level is checked and a carefully 
measured charge of distilled water is added as required. Sampler cases- 
with batteries are then arranged on racks in the battery charging room, 
and connections are made to the charging circuits (Fig. 

Charging facilities consist of two Lincoln Electric taper rate generators 
with a rated charging capacity of 700 ampere hours each (Fig. Posi- 

tive and negative direct current busses are installed directly on the char- 
ging racks. Male electrical plugs are permanently wired in series between 
these busses, and connection of a battery for charging is accomplished by 
inserting a plug into the mating receptacle in the sampler case. Thus, 
hookup work required for connection of batteries for charging is reduced 
to a minimum. All batteries in a series string are arranged to be in essen- 
tially the same condition of discharge, or specific gravity level, to en- 
sure equal charging of all. The present racks accommodate a total of 36 
batteries for each charger, and it is found that all except extremely dis- 
charged batteries are adequately charged in an eight hour period. 

Charging racks were constructed in six foot sections to facilitate their 
handling, loading, and transportation between the field offices in the 
several cities to be used for the project tests. 

After a full complement of samplers has been charged, each battery is 
again checked by a hydrometer or a wide scale voltmeter. Batteries failing 
to come to an acceptable charge are reserved for recharge. Sampler cases 
are then arranged in rows in the equipment area in the order in which 



Page li 5 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG ; , 



0*MAT1ON 



sailers are to be dispatched into the field* Pumps are assembled to the 
cases after which run-in and flow rating may proceed for the forthcoming 
test. It has been found that the flow rate of a new van? type vacuum pump 
increases for a short period as the vanes wear in and become seated. New 1 
pumps, therefore, are given a shop run-in period of approximately an hour, 

b. Aerosol Generator 

The batteries comprising the power pack for the aerosol generator ordin- 
arily require charging after two series of tests, except where dispersals 
have been of the time consuming, line source type. 

The blower is detached from the generator equipment after each dozen re- 
leases, and any fluorescent material found encrusted on the internal sur- 
faces is dislodged with a bruph or sharp object. Only an accumulation of 
tracer dust has been noticed in such examinations, since all rough surfaces 
and projections were scraped and filed before initial assembly of the gen- 
erator in order to preclude entrapment of material. 

The initial load of fluorescent material is added to the feed mechanism 
hopper at the remote storage location. Additional tracer material is 
placed in a capped container, to be used for makeup to the feed hopper 
in the field after each release. 

9. Analysis 

The work of the analysis group includes all activities incident to the 
preparation' of filters for exposure in the field, the preliminary 



WfOUMAtl 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG^ 



evaluation of exposed filters after a test, the mounting of exposed filters 
on slides, the counting by microscopic techniques of fluorescent particles, 
computations relative to determination of concentrations of the tracer simu- 
lant at the various sampler stations, and plotting of these values on the 
test area maps. This work is performed by members of full-time field office 
force and part-time employees as described hereinafter. 

Personnel hired for part-time work in the particle counting laboratory are 
required to have had microscope or related laboratory experience at the 
college level. The major source of these workers is the University of 
Minnesota, from which women in the dental and nursing schools and men in 
the graduate technical schools have been recruited. Several of the men 
employed in this work are otherwise employed as technicians in various 
State of Minnesota agricultural, dairy, and drug laboratories. The labora- 
tory force numbers approximately 20, of which approximately 75 per cent are 



Newly hired technicians are required to read a detailed manual outlining 
all pertinent operating phases of the work, after which familiarity with 
equipment and procedures is gained by counting standard slides. It has 
been found that an acceptable counting proficiency is obtained on the 
average after some ten counting hours, although workers normally employed 
at work requiring the use of a microscope become familiar with specific 
techniques in a shorter time. 

Several part-time technicians have been trained in the work of filter 
holder preparation (Fig II-6) and mounting of exposed filters on slides. 



:juej . 

INFORMATION^ 



Page 1*7 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 




Because of the great volume of filter analysis resulting from performance 
of a large tracer test program, and the requirement that analysis of a 
field test be completed as soon as possible after the test, the laboratory 
counting facilities must be staffed as completely as possible during 
working hours* Five counting stations are available, (Figs, II-? and 
II-8), and it has been considered necessary to schedule use of all theB# 
facilities from the start of each week day until 2100 or later, with a 
full eight hour use of the facilities on Saturdays, to reduce the large 
backlog of counting work resulting from the concentrated Minneapolis 
testing program. 

Personnel are scheduled in relays throughout the day, with a two hour 
counting period representing the average time a person can spend in con- 

A 

centrated analysis without experiencing eye fatigue. In many cpses, how- 
ever, technicians accustomed to using a microscope regularly find it pos- 
sible to count for four to five hours by taking a short break every hour 
or oftener. Less experienced operators are given calculation or computing 
work to perform for an hour between counting periods. The morning hours 
of the day have been found to be the most difficult in which to schedule 
personnel for counting operations, since those hired are predominately 
students. Facilities are generally well staffed during the afternoon 
hours, and evening hours are well taken up by personnel who are employed 
elsewhere during the day. Operation of the laboratory facilities re- 
quires the supervision of qualified full-time technicians during all 
hours that the facilities are in use. 



tCRET 7K 

f IHfOOMAU# 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG.__ 




In preparation for a tracer test, several laboratory technicians are 
assigned to prepare filter holders* Metal holders and plastic dust caps 
are washed in a detergent solution to remove any traces of fluorescent 
material remaining from a previous test. After drying, holders are ar- 
ranged on perforated trays, and membrane filters are inserted into the 
holders. Trays of prepared filter holders are then stored in a dust-free 
cabinet in the laboratory until such time as filters are required for flow 
rating in the equipment assembly area. 

After the tracer test, exposed filter holders are arranged on small racks 
in an ordered manner in preparation for preliminary examination and evalua- 
tion of results. The method of preliminary evaluation is discussed in 
Section V. All preliminary examination work, in which field location and 
exposure data sheets are identified with the respective filter holders, 
is performed by cleared full-time laboratory technicians to preclude com- 
promise of results. After preliminary evaluation work, holders are re- 
turned to the preparation laboratory where membrane filters are mounted 
on glass slides. This work is performed by part-time technicians. In 
this process, glass slides are thoroughly cleaned in a detergent solu- 
tion and then dried. A coded slide number, assigned by cleared full-time 
technicians, is given to each slide by means of a gummed label. Exposed 
filters are carefully applied to the slides with a thin rubber cement. 
Mounted slides are stored in slide boxes in an ordered manner and are sent 
to the counting room. The full-time technician in charge of the laboratory 



Page it: 



IWOKMATIOH't? 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, , 




operations supervises all of the filter and slide preparation work* All 
instrument setups as well as any repairs or adjustments of the equipment 
are made by the full-time laboratory supervisor. 

With results of the preliminary evaluation of test-exposed filters, the 
Test Director prepares a plot of tracer material concentrations at the 
sampler locations for each release. In this manner, preliminaiy results 
of a test can be determined within 2li hours after the operation. These 
preliminary plots form the basis for design of subsequent tests by pro- 
viding an indication both of the adequacy of the previous sampler array 
anri the effectiveness of maneuvers taken to encompass the aerosol cloud. 

From final fluorescent particle count data the total particle population 
of a filter is calculated, and based on the known average flow rate through 
the filter, the total dosage of tracer simulant is calculated in particle 
minutes per liter. All computations of this nature are performed by cleared 
full-time personnel in the restricted area of the field office. The final 
total dosage data, in addition to virtual wind track vectors, balloon track 
directions, and aerosol release information, are then plotted on maps of 
the test area in preparation for more detailed analysis of the test results. 
A discussion of results of certain tracer tests conducted during the current 
period will be found in Section V. 



X 



Page 50 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG, t 




E. SCHEDULED OPERATIONS 

At the beginning of the project, tentative plans were made to conduct 
tracer tests in Minneapolis and St. Louis during the winter of 1953 , the 
summer of 1953, and the winter of 195U. In addition, it was planned to 
conduct tracer tests in various industrial complexes in and near St. Louis 
during the fall of 1953 « Prior to conducting tracer tests, mesometeoro- 
logical surveys were to be made for several months duration in order to 
determine the general thermal structure prevailing in these areas to serve 
as a basis for choice of tracer test areas. It was also recognized that 
meteorological surveys and tracer tests in Winnipeg during the summer of 
1953 would be of scientific interest and would provide useful information 
by virtue of the long days and short nights prevailing there during the 
summer. The tentative 1952-1953 winter test schedule represented an op- 
timum program which would be difficult to meet because of problems involved 
in designing and fabricating instrumentation in sufficient time for a full 
program; 

The actual program of tests conducted to date includes meteorological sur- 
veys in Minneapolis and St. Louis to establish meteorological patterns. 

In addition to the meteorological surveys, tracer tests were conducted in 
Minneapolis for a period of approximately ten weeks. Because of the late 
start of tests in Minneapolis, it was considered desirable to obtain as 
much complete data on that city as possible rather than attempt to divide 
a short test period between Minneapolis and St. Louis. 







fOKMATldfl 



Page 51 




REGRADE D UN CLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




Tentative plans have been made for future testing, based on experience to 
date and a desire to obtain as much useful information as feasible during 
the remainder of the program. Current planning is based on the assumption 
that it will be possible to operate in Winnipeg during the summer of 19?3. 
From experience gained thus far in conducting field office operations, it 
is indicated that a minimum period of ten days would be required between 
completion of tracer tests in St. Louis and commencement of tests in Winni- 
peg. The performance of tracer tests in St. Louis or Winnipeg involves 
equipment transportation, procurement of temporary quarters, training test 
crews, and making arrangements to initiate tests. On the other hand, it 
appears that such a move could be made to Minneapolis from either Winnipeg 
or St. Louis in approximately seven days, since the facilities for tracer 
tests there are well established. 

Table II-5 shows the proposed tracer test schedule through February 19$k. 
Based on experience to date, three tests per week, consisting of three re- 
leases per test, represent the maximum rate at which tests can be conducted 
and data analzed to permit planning of subsequent tests. The actual num- 
ber of tests conducted in a locality would in all probability fall short 
of these optimum operations if unsuitable weather conditions, a shortage 
of part-time personnel, transportation problems, or other unforeseen diffi- 
culties were encountered. 

It is planned that mesometeorological surveys will be conducted continui- 
ously in both Minneapolis and St. Louis. Such surveys in Minneapolis will 




Page 52 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




be interrupted late in May or early in June in order to use the meteoro- 
logical equipment in Winnipeg prior to and during tracer tests there* 

TABLE II - 5 

TRACER TEST SCHEDULE THROUGH FEBRUARY 1954 

St. Louis — Summer 1953 

20 May - 1 July — 18 Tests, 54 Releases 

Winnipeg — Summer 1953 

10 July - 10 August — 12 Tests, 36 Releases 

Minneapolis — Summer 1953 

18 August - 15 September — 12 Tests, 36 Releases 

St. Louis — Fall 1953 - Industrial Areas 

9 November - 30 November — 9 Tests, 27 Releases 

St. Louis — Winter 1954 

1 December - 20 January — 20 Tests, 6 0 Releases 

Minneapolis — Winter 1954 

27 January - 26 February — 12 Tests, 36 Releases 

A trip is to be made to Ottawa, Canada, in May to meet with the Defense 
Research Board to discuss all phases of the proposed program in Winnipeg. 

It is anticipated that this trip will furnish information regarding opera- 
tion of a business in Canada, including requirements for customs inspec- 
tion and employment of Canadians by a U.S. company . If tests in Winnipeg 

Page 53 




REGRA DED UN CLAS SIF IED - JOD,DPG_ 




are assured, it is planned that representatives of The Ralph M* Parsons 
Company will go to Winnipeg late in May to obtain operating space, hire, 
and train personnel, and begin the meteorological phase of the program. 
These surveys will continue through the tracer test program. Specific 
test sites will be chosen from the analysis of the initial meteorological 
surveys. Arrangements will be made for the transportation of exposed fil- 
ters to Minneapolis for analysis. 

In the event that Winnipeg tests are not authorized by the Chemical Corps 
or approved by the Canadian Defense Research Board, or if for any other 
reason the tests cannot be arranged to be conducted during the desired 
summer season, the summer tests in St. Louis and Minneapolis may be ex- 
tended accordingly. 



Page 5U 








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msm 

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mmsasa «nsm® - ,.:«>p» »pc :; 















REGRA DED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 

III. INSTRUMENTATION 

A. GENERAL 

At the end of the period covered by this report, practically all instru- 
mentation has been completed and delivered to the field. The only excep- 
tions to the above statement are the time sequential drum impactor and the 
wind velocity recording units. Both of the latter items are now in the 
production stage and the first deliveries are scheduled so that some quan- 
tities of these items will be available for summer operations in the 
St. Louis area. 

Continuing the practices established in previous Joint Quarterly Reports, 
two additional items of instrumentation are written up in following sec- 
tions. These are the wiresonde temperature bridges and the portable mem- 
brane filter sampler including the pertinent accessories. Also included 
below is a section covering the observations on equipment performance by 
field personnel, the data for which have been obtained during the winter 
test program in the city of Minneapolis. 

Future reports will continue to contain detailed write-ups on individual 
instruments, including laboratory and analytical equipment and techniques. 
These reports will also contain observations received from personnel in 
the field regarding operation and evaluation of instruments, in addition 
to a description of problems encountered and their solution. 







Page 9 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG., 







-iasa 


•MATIONj 



Bo FIELD OBSERVATIONS ON EQUIPMENT PERFORMANCE 

The following represents a summary of the information received from the 
field office regarding the performance of instrumentation throughout the 
winter test period in Minneapolis 0 The pertinent data regarding each type 
of instrument are given under separate captions below* 

1„ Portable Membrane Filter Air Samplers 

A quantity of 13>0 MF samplers were produced and shipped to Minneapolis in 
time for the winter test period* Operational experience with these units 
indicates that they are entirely suitable for their intended use* and ac- 
tual reliability in the field averaged better than 97 % under all condi- 
tions,, During the severest conditions encountered which comprised an open 
area test at an ambient temperature of -16° Fj, a total of 3 out of 120 sam- 
plers set out failed because of mechanical or electrical malfunction* This 
represents an actual reliability of 9 &« 5 % $ which can be considered as a 
conservative estimate due to the fact that some data were obtained prior 

A. 

to the complete failure of the three units mentioned* In general, all 
components selected for these units proved reliable,, and every evidence 
was given that this equipment will continue to operate with a minimum of 
maintenance throughout the entire test program* 

The major difficulty encountered was in the malfunction of certain of the 
Gast type AD 14+0-2 vacuum pumps 0 A total of 27 pump malfunctions occurred 
during the winter tests s the majority of which proved to be the result of 
foreign material getting into the pump body* Because of the nature of the 



Page 60 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG„ 



foreign material, which generally proved to be small pieces of aluminum 
or iron, it was impossible to determine whether the failures were due to 
improper or incomplete inspection on the part of the pump manufacturer or 
to carelessness in handling during the assembly of the sampler units* In 
none of the cases mentioned above was the da m a g e serious. A pump exchange 
service was arranged with the Gast Manufacturing Company of Benton Harbor , 
Michigan , which will assure prompt repair of defective units, a mainten- 
ance supply of spare pumps, and, therefore, the availability of a full com- 
plement of samplers for any test. 

The 6 volt DC Kendrick-Davis motorfc used to power these pumps operated with 
100$? reliability throughout the winter tests. However, in view of possi- 
ble future contingencies, a repair and exchange arrangement was established 
with the Kendrick-Davis people on a bfisis similar to that arranged with 
Gast. The Willard 12 volt aircraft batteries providing prime power for 
these units also performed admirably and no operational casualties occurred. 

During a typical field experiment at Minneapolis, a group of 188 pump fil- 
ter combinations involving 9h pumps was flow rated both before and after 
a U hour operating period 0 The mean change between the initial and final 
rates amounted to a decrease of 35? , and only 11 of the pump filter com- 
binations deviated by more than 105? from their initial flow rates, which 
altogether averaged 10. 1; liters per minute. 

Some slight difficulty was encountered with the plastic dust covers used 
for the protection of the filter holders. The original filter holder de- 
sign had a knurled body over which the plastic caps fitted, thereby 



OtMATtON^C? 




offering both mechanical protection and assuring freedom from contamina- 
tion of the filter. Under low temperature conditions, it was found that 
the plastjic dust caps tended to contract to the place where the removal 
from the filter holders was extremely difficult. A further complication 
ensued when it was determined that in the removal of the caps small shreds 
of the plastic were scraped off. In several cases minute pieces of the 
dust cap material fell on the face of the filter and exhibited fluorescent 
properties under ultraviolet illumination. This phenomenon created some 
difficulty in the counting of particles although not to the degree that 
the accuracy of the count was impaired. This condition was alleviated by 
a redesign of the filter holder which eliminated the knurling and slightly 
reduced the outside diameter. This minor design change now permits easy 
removal of the dust cover under conditions of low temperature and eliminates 
any possibility of scraping extraneous material on the filter face*. 

The magnetic filters themselves and the quick-connect couplings used in 
the sampling unit proved to be both reliable and operationally desirable. 

As a result of tests made on the first filter holders produced, which 
indicated some air leakage around the ring magnet, all subsequent models 
have the magnet imbedded in a sealing compound which successfully pre- 
vented the recurrence of this difficulty. The provisions made for charging 
batteries without necessitating their removal from the sampler case, and 
the battery charging equipment itself, proved satisfactory in every respect, 
and a complete recharge of all batteries may be made in time to permit the 
running of a complete sampler array on alternate days* 




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2. Portable Temperature Indicating Bridges 

Sixteen of the portable temperature indicating bridges were completed, as 
well as the 22 aspirated automobile mountings and U aspirated aircraft 
thermistor mountings . The temperature bridges themselves were operation- 
ally satisfactory with the exception of several minor features. A plywood 
writing panel was substituted for the aluminum panel originally provided 
because of the difficulty encountered in handling metal parts at below 
zero temperatures. The only other modification required was the substitu- 
tion of 6 volt DC automobile power for the 3 volt internal batteries origi- 
nally used for both instrument and chartboard illumination. Personnel in 
the field found that the use of 6 volt light bulbs provided and arranged 
for power for the higher voltage lamps by the simple expedient of plugging 
the circuit into the cigarette lighter on the automobile instrument panel, 
thereby eliminating the necessity of increasing the size and weight of the 
battery required in the portable equipment. 

As of the end of the current period, no flight test has been conducted in 
the field using the aircraft thermistor mountings. Laboratory tests at 
Stanford University, however, indicated that some slight modification in 
design would be desirable in order to provide better radiation shielding 
for the thermistor elements. Therefore, the aircraft mountings in the 
field were recycled through Stanford and modified to incorporate this 
latest change In design. 

As mentioned in JQR 2, the original automobile aspirated thermistor mount- 
ings, of which six were constructed, failed to withstand the structural 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFI ED - J OP, PPG, , 



shocks imposed on the equipment by the extremely rough streets and in- 
clement weather conditions prevalent in the Minneapolis area, even though 
exact duplicates of this equipment had been found satisfactory for use in 
Palo Alto. Therefore, 16 additional units of heavier mechanical construc- 
tion were produced. These modified units withstood the rigors of the win- 
ter test program in excellent fashion and appear to have eliminated any 
possibility of future difficulties. The remaining problem with the auto- 
mobile mountings resulted from factors which are not under the control of 
operating personnel. These include the infinite variety of bumpers and 
bumper guards encountered on the automobiles of part-time personnel. A 
serious problem thus arises, due to the need for obtaining a large num- 
ber of various types of bumper brackets and trailer hitches. Another 
problem in this connection was the somewhat fragile bumper-attaching 
brackets provided on late model automobiles. The excessive flexure of 
the automobile bumper and its attaching brackets resulted in tilting the 
aspirator mast from vertical. 

3. Wiresonde Temperature Measuring Equipment 

The wiresonde temperature measuring equipment consists of the temperature 
measuring bridge, the thermistor elements and protective cage, the cable 
reel, and the lifting device which, in the case of Minneapolis, was a 
Kytoon. The only serious equipment problems were the freezing of the 
wiresonde batteries and the reel bearings. The former problem was capable 
of easy solution by actually operating the bridge itself either within a 
building or a heated automobile or truck. The latter problem was 



Page 6U 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG._ 



successfully solved by reaming the bearings somewhat oversized and by the 
use of low temperature lubricants such as Prestone 200 or Yukon oil. 

The major problem in wiresonde operation was the result of high wind con- 
ditions which effectively prevented the use of this equipment during many 
of the tests. Some thought has been given to a practical solution to this 
problem, but no feasible answer has appeared which would allow use of the 
wiresonde equipment under conditions of high winds or extreme turbulence. 
With respect to turbulence, the rapid temperature fluctuations which oc- 
curred during wiresonde observations under such conditions posed several 
questions. In many cases temperature readings could not be taken because 
of violent meter fluctuations. In other cases the average temperature 
changes reversed without any apparent cause. In a series of tests con- 
ducted in Minneapolis during the winter months it was definitely estab- 
lished that both the fluctuations and temperature reversals were true 
measurements of an actual phenomenon caused by the inhomogeneity of the 
upper air under turbulent conditions. The test results are considered 
conclusive and indicate that in every case the equipment was performing 
in its specified manner and within its established limits of accuracy. 

Field evaluation of the balance of the instrumentation will be included 
in future reports. 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




C. PORTABLE MEMBRANE FILTER SAMPLER AND ACCESSORIES 

One of the primary pieces of equipment required for conducting tracer tests 
was a rugged, portable piece of air sampling equipment for obtaining quan- 
titative measurements of the simulant materials# The fundamental design 
criteria for this equipment were established by personnel at Stanford Uni- 
versity, based on their theoretical and experimental background and on the 
results of tests in the Palo Alto and San Francisco areas# The general 
requirements as established included the followings 

1# The pumping unit must be capable of providing a minimum flow of 
7 liters per minute of free air through a 16 millimeter diameter 
deposition area of a membrane filter# 

2# The holder for the filter must be constructed so as to permit 
ready loading and unloading of the filters and must provide a 
secure air seal of a type which could not result in damage to 
the filter membrane itself# 

3# The equipment must be capable of satisfactory performance over 
an ambient temperature range of -U0° F to *115° F# 

U# The final design of the equipment should represent the maximum 
in portability and ruggedness and must be capable of operation 
by relatively unskilled part-time personnel# 

5# Provisions should be made for the rapid interchange of filter 
holders to permit multiple testing to be accomplished by a 
single unit* 

6# The entire equipment should be packaged in a rugged case capable 
of withstanding extremely rough usage and having provision for 









REGRADED U NCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG , 




locking the equipment cover and securing it by means of a chain 
to prevent theft. 

7. The equipment should be inconspicuous in appearance so that use 
of large numbers of these units in heavily populated urban areas 
will not excite undue attention* 



The equipment as finally designed and produced has successfully met all of 
the above requirements. As seen in Figs. III-l, III-2, and III-3, the 
portable membrane filter samplers consist essentially of a vacuum pump and 
battery mounted in a 3/1; inch thick marine plywood box. The box dimensions 
are ll; inches in height, 13 inches in widjth, and 9 inches in depth, with 
the complete equipment weight including a fully charged battery being in 
the neighborhood of 3? pounds. The equipment is built in three sections 
as shown in Fig. III-3. The pumping unit, the control panel, the filter 
holder, and vacuum hose are contained in a single unit which plugs into 
the top section of the lower half of the case. The bottom of the case 
contains a battery compartment and a hose storage compartment. The lid 
section is attached to the lower half of the case by slip hinges which 
permit its easy removal for maintenance. The entire box is finished in 
two coats of a durable, weatherproof enamel of an inconspicuous neutral 
gray color. Metal corners are provided for the protection of the box, 
and the lid is secured by means of two trunk type latches which contain 
provision for locking by use of a padlock chain combination. The punp 
deck contains a Gast AD I4I4.O— 2 vacuum pump which is powered by a Kendrick- 
Davis 6 volt DC motor. This unit is shock mounted on two Lord vibration 
mounts and is equipped with both an input and output filter unit. The 



Page 67 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG._ 



purpose of the Lord mountings is to minimize mechanical noise rather than 
for any vibration protection of the unit* If the pump were mounted di- 
rectly on the panel, the sounding board effect would raise the noise level 
to an objectionable value* 

The input filter section is a safety device to prevent abrasive or foreign 
material from entering the pump chamber when the unit is operated without 
a filter holder and membrane filter. The output filter section acts as 
an acoustical muffler 'and is very efficient in the reduction of the high 
frequency acoustical sound level* A manual petcock is provided on the 
output of this acoustical muffler as a means of regulating the air flow 
as desired* The control section contains a DPST on/off switch, a stan- 
dard cartridge type fuse for battery protection in case of a direct short, 
and a polarized accessory outlet which can be used to provide 6 volt DC 
power for either lights or the operation of other units as required. Pro- 
vision is also made in the deck for the storage of four filter holders. 
This entire unit fits into a recessed section in the lower half of the 
case and connects with the battery by means of a four prong Jones plug* 

The vacuum hose is permanently attached to the pumping section and is 
stored in a separate compartment immediately adjacent to the battery when 
the unit is assembled*. 

There are no mechanical or electrical devices contained within the lid 
other than a sponge-rubber covered hold-down block which secures the fil- 
ter holders in position when the lid is closed, and two openings with 



ft INFOftMAfl 



REGRADED UNCLASSIF IED - JOD,DPG. _ 



metal closures which permit the hose and an electrical line to be brought 
out from the box with the lid closed and locked* 

The battery chosen for this unit is a Willard aircraft type AW The 

batteries as ordered from the Willard Battery Company were specially con- 
structed in the form of two 6 volt cell groups which are connected in par- 
allel to provide power for the operation of the pump* This battery was 
chosen because of its desirable form factor, relatively high efficiency, 
and physical characteristics* It is of the spillproof type which is nec- 
essary to prevent damage to any of the equipment from battery acid should 
the sampler case be overturned* Further protection is provided by a mani- 
fold which conducts the battery gases from each cell to the outside of the 
box through a small grilled opening in the side of the case. As arranged, 
the battery may be charged without the need for removing it from the sam- 
pler case as shown in Figs. III-U and III-5. This procedure is accomplished 
by equipping a battery charging bus with male Jones plugs corresponding to 
the type installed on the pump unit. This feature saved considerable time 
in the field as it permits the pump and hose to be removed and the case 
and battery to be taken directly to the charging room. 

One of the most critical parts of this equipment is represented by the 
filter holders. The membrane filters used are a cellulose ester mem- 
brane and are extremely fragile mechanically. Experience proved that any 
rotational force applied to this type of filter may result in tearing of 
the filter and making it unusable. Also, this mechanical weakness requires 
that a secure backing be provided which will have the dual capability of 



Page 69 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 



providing mechanical support for the filter without introducing any undue 
violent disturbance of the incoming air stream. 

The two factors mentioned above, combined with the necessity of maintaining 
an air 3 eal around the periphery of the filter to assure that all air drawn 
through the pump passes through the 16 millimeter diameter active filter 
area, resulted in considerable study being expended on the design of the 
final configuration arrived at are shown in Fig. III-6. The essential parts 
of the filter holder as shown in this photograph are the filter holder body, 
the membrane filter, the metal retaining ring, and a plastic dust cap. 

The filter holder body consists of an inner section surrounded by an Alnico 
Number 5 cast magnet which is covered by a protective aluminum outer sleeve. 
The top surface of the magnet is ground flat and is positioned .002 inch 
above the surface of a 100 mesh monel screen which acts as a backing for 
the filter. In operation the filter is placed on the magnet and screen 
surface, and the soft iron washer is laid on the filter face. The surface 
of the washer is ground flat, and the magnetic attraction between the mag- 
net and the washer provides an air seal around the periphery of the filter. 
A slot is milled in each side of the outer sleeve to allow easy removal of 
the washer. The plastic dust cover can be placed over the entire assembly 
giving both mechanical and contamination protection to the filter. The 
base of the filter holder was machined to fit a Wiggins quick-connect 
vacuum coupling. This permits filter holders to be connected and discon- 
nected from the Wiggins fitting provided at the end of the vacuum hose in 
a matter of ten seconds or less* The ability to make rapid changes of 



Page 70 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 



filter holders in the field proved to be extremely valuable. The use of 
the magnetic principle for the provision of an air seal also permits rapid 
loading and unloading of filter holders in the laboratory and nri. n i mi .zes 
damage to the filter media itself either before or after exposure. The 
maximum pressure drop through the entire vacuum system including the fil- 
ter holder without filter, the vacuum hose, and the input filter to the 
pump averaged less than one inch of mercury at lU liters per minute free 
flow* 

Representative pun?) flow and filter flow characteristics are shown in 
Fig. III-7. The flow rate and pressure drop corresponding to the point 
where the two curves cross represents the expected values for the combina- 
tion of filter and pun?); other units will have a similar but not identi- 
cal curves. 

Fig. III-8 shows how the flow rate and current drain of the complete sam- 
pling unit changes with battery voltage. Over the useful battery life, 
nominally $0 ampere hours at voltages varying from 6.6 to $,h volts, it 
will be seen that about nine hours of operation may be expected, with the 
flow rate varying from 9.6 to 8.U liters per minute. At low battery tem- 
peratures, of course, the performance will not be as good but will still 
be satisfactory. 

In operation the amount of hose required may easily be fed out through 
the port provided in the side of the box. In many cases only the filter 
holder itself is exposed as indicated in Fig. V-8. Where the filter 



Page 71 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




holder is exposed through the window of an automobile or positioned at 
the two meter level, the full seven feet of hose provided may be used, 
as shown in Figs. 7-9 and V-10 respectively. 




Page 72 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP, PPG 




. mm* 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



D. A MODIFIED ALNOR VELOMETER, JR. FOR MONITORING BATTERY OPERATED 
SAMPLERS 

Since the battery operated sampling units were designed in the interests 
of portability with no automatic means of regulating the air flow to a 
standard value, it is necessary to keep track of the flow through each in- 
dividual filter in order to enable calculation of total dosages from fil- 
ter counts. The Alnor Velometer, Jr. (Illinois Testing Laboratories, 
Chicago, Illinois) furnishes a good basic instrument capable of responding 
to a moderate pressure drop across the intake and outlet apertures, and 
hence may be modified to form a compact flow meter. 

This instrument, see Fig. III-9, is used to measure wind speeds by facing 
the inlet port into the wind, thus allowing an air flow through the instru- 
ment. This air flow impinges on a pivoted vane and deflects it to a posi- 
tion where the restoring force provided by a coiled hair spring is equal 
to the deflecting force. The design of the vane housing permits the in- 
strument to be read as an almost linear function of wind speed over most 
of the scale. Therefore, when modified, the instrument is capable of 
being used as a flow meter having a quite linear scale deflection as a 
function of rate of flow. The instrument can be held in any position, 
and it is well damped because of the lightweight construction of the bal- 
anced vane and pointer. 

This flow meter, illustrated in Fig. III-10, is provided with an adapter 
head which fits over the filter to be flow rated. A cemented rubber ring 
making contact with the hold-down ring of the filter gives a leakproof 




Page 73 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




connection. The air drawn in through the filter enters from the outside 
through the inlet holes in the crosspipe and the stream divides, mostly 
flowing through the orifice between the crosspipe and the adapter head 0 
The remaining fraction of the air flows through what was formerly the 
inlet port of the Velometer to produce the deflection corresponding to 
the measured flow rate, and then enters the adapter head through what 
was formerly the outlet port. 

Because of the use of common inlet holes in the crosspipe, the reading 
is not affected by high ambient wind speeds. The holes are made so large 
that even if the outer one is accidentally blocked, such as by the opera- 
tor's gloves, the reading will be practically unaffected. 

The size of the metering orifice is chosen so that the useful range of 
the flow meter will be from 2 to lf> liters per minute, graduated at inter- 
vals of .5 liter per minute. Since these graduations are quite open, the 
flow rate may easily be read to the nearest ,1 liter per minute and the 
absolute calibration at 70° F is considered to be good to plus or minus 
0,2 liter per minute. Since the pressure drop across the flow meter at 
10 liters per minute is only ,25 cm of mercury, an estimated 1$ change 
in flow rate will be occasioned by addition or removal of the flow meter 
from the pump filter system. 

In the preparation of the direct reading scale, each instrument is cali- 
brated at a number of fixed points (determined by a set of critical ori- 
fices) against a Fischer-Porter Triflat Flowrater, and a smooth plot is 

Page 7U 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG_ 



made of the deflection in terms of the original 0 to hO mph scale as a 
function of flow rate. From this plot a new scale is hand drawn with 
lines at the 1 liter per minute and .5 liter per minute intervals. 

The modified Alnor Veloraeter, Jr. flow meter, which may be referred to 
as a shunted vane flow meter, gave very satisfactory performance and 
offered a more rapid and reliable means of checking large numbers of 
filter-pur?> combinations (see Section IV) than the liquid type flow 
meters previously used. Figures II-3 and V-lit show the flow meter in 
actual use at Minneapolis during flow rating of a large group of sam- 
plers. 



Page 75 



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E. WIRESONDE THERMISTOR AIR TEMPERATURE MEASURING EQUIPMENT 
1. Requirements and Features 

In the present mesometeorological studies, the vertical temperature profile 
of the air at various localities plays an important part as an indicator 
of the expected rate of diffusion of gas and aerosol clouds* The equip- 
ment described below fulfills the need for a measuring unit which may be 
readily moved from place to place. Under ideal conditions it will give 
readings significant to the nearest tenth degree Fahrenheit and will cover 
a range of altitudes from a few inches to nearly 1000 feet above the ground. 

The device consists of a cage-protected Wfestern Electric Number DI7698O 
bead type thermistor element, a hand operated cable reel with provision 
for suspending the cable and thermistor from a Kytoon or cluster of 100 gm 
meteorological balloons, and a deflection indicating Wheatstone bridge 
unit containing a stable battery operated vacuum tube amplifier. In the 
interests of portability and simplicity, automatic recording is not em- 
ployed. Therefore, at least two operators are required j one man attends 
to the balloon cable, varying the altitude of the thermistor, and the 
other reads the bridge and records the indicated temperatures as a func- 
tion of height and time. 

The following characteristics of the D17 69 80 thermistor make it well suited 
for this type of measurement t bead diameter, .013 inches $ resistance, 

73,000 ohms at 23° C 5 temperature coefficient, h»3% resistance change per 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



dsgree Centigrade at 2f>° Cj dissipation constant in still air, 0.12 milli- 
watts per degree Centigrade rise in still airj thermal time constant, 0.5> 
seconds. 

Photographs of the unmounted thermistor bead and the protective cage are 
given in Figs. III-ll and III-12, respectively. Because of the sarall physi- 
cal size of the bead itself, the rate of response is rapid as compared to 
other temperature sensing elements of equal ruggedness and stability. The 
small size also enhances the unit area heat-transfer characteristics of 
the bead and hence permits it to be relatively free from radiational heating 
and cooling even when used unshielded and without aspiration. The fact 
that aspiration of the sensing element is not used in the present equip- 
ment greatly simplifies the cable and balloon requirements since only a 
mi nimum load need be supported by the balloons. 

.The lift required from the balloons is further reduced by the use of a 
lightweight balloon cables 1000 feet of Plastoid fiber glass insulated 
three strand Number 30 copper, capable of supporting 100 pounds. This 
sm al l copper size is made permissible by virtue of the comparatively high 
resistance and large temperature coefficient of the thermistor bead. 

The high resistance of the thermistor bead does offer one drawback in that 
a film of condensed moisture on the end of the glass stem between the sup- 
porting wires (see Fig. III-ll) will offer a shunting path across the bead 
and cause the instrument to read incorrectly. Therefore, it is intended 
for use only at less than 10C$ relative humidity. 





Page 77 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




Although the internal temperature of the dry cells constituting the power 
supply to the bridge circuit and amplifier should not be allowed to fall 
below about 20° F, the calibration ranges of the instrument extend from 
a nominal -10° F to +120° F. 

2. Additional Characteristics of the Thermistor Sensing Element and 
its Means of Support 

The mechanical means of supporting the thermistor bead, involving four 
1/8 inch sections of #.001 inch diameter platinum wire, make it essential 
to protect it during handling and use from any possible contact with the 
lead wires, balloon cable, or leaves and twigs near the ground,, The weight 
of the bead itself, however, is so small that the sensing element is not 
vulnerable to transmitted mechanical shocks* 

The protective cage consists of a six sided piano wire framework ending 
in a loop at the top for attaching the balloons and silver soldered to 
a brass sleeve at the bottom for holding the lucite adapter in which the 
glass stem of the thermistor unit and external flexible leads are held 
by casting resin. The wire spacing is sufficiently open to avoid spurious 
effects from radiational heating or cooling of wires,, These effects, of 
course, would be most pronounced under still air conditions* 

Although relatively few beads have become casualties in the field either 
from mechanical damage or from escape by balloon, this possibility to- 
gether with the extent of the individual variations in resistance tempera- 
ture characteristics of the beads led to the decision that it would not 

Page 78 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFI ED - JOD.DPG, 




be worthwhile to attempt to make the bridges accurately direct reading. 

At the present stage of development this would require an undue amount 
of time for individually adjusting the resistors for a particular ther- 
mistor bridge. Moreover, because of the limitations of the allowable 
measuring current which may be passed through the thermistor without ex- 
ceeding the permissible temperature rise, some sacrifice in the desired 
linear relationship between bead temperature and bridge indication must 
be made or the voltage sensitivity of the vacuum tube amplifier must be 
increased to the point where the zero drift is apt to become great enough 
to interfere with maximum ease of use under rigorous field conditions 0 

Therefore, although the direct readings give an approximate idea of the 
course of the indicated temperature changes, these readings must be sub- 
sequently referred to calibration tables before the true temperatures are 
obtained, and two or three thermistors used with a single bridge may dif- 
fer in direct readings by several degrees Fahrenheit before the corrections 
are made. 

The fast response time of the bead thermistor is considered desirable in 
vertical traverse work where the altitude of the thermistor varies rapidly, 
although the naturally occurring temperature fluctuations at any constant 
level may cause greater apparent difficulty in assigning a definite air 
temperature to that level than if a more slowly responding sensing element 
were used. The extent and rapidity of these fluctuations are in themselves 
an indication of the mesometeorological conditions and, even though stated 
qualitatively, are a useful addition to the temperature-height data 0 




Page 79 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG : , 



T1<5N I 



3. Bridge Circuit. 

The simplified bridge circuit of Fig. III-13 has a number of features in 
common with the bridge circuit developed, for the ll*-B aspirated thermistor 
air temperature indicator described in Section III* JQR 2. The VTVM 
(vacuum tube voltmeter, i 0 e., the amplifier plus the Weston Model 301 
0 to 50 microammeter) may be switched (Sw2) across R^ and adjusted to a 
1*5.0 pa indication by Radj. order that the ratio ' of bridge current to 
VTVM sensitivity may be kept constant. This feature is even more important 
in the case of the wiresonde bridge than in the case of the aspirated ther- 
mistor bridge since the sensitivity of the unbalance indicator , now the 
combination of the 0 to f>0 nriLcroammeter and the vacuum tube amplifier, is 
more likely to show variations with time and instrument temperature and 
among the different units due to manufacturing variations in the vacuum 
tubes. 

The purpose of the voltage-dividing resistor series R£i, R 52 » r 31j> r 32 » 
etc., is to reduce the bridge current to fulfill the following two condi- 



tions; 



a. That the I^R thermistor heating at any temperature on any 
range not exceed .25° F in still air and 
b» That on Ranges 1, 2, 3, and U, the temperature difference 
corresponding to a deflection change from 0 to 50 micro- 
an^eres be close to 25° F, and that on Range 5 a tempera- 
ture difference corresponding to the 0 to 3>0 microampere 
range be close to 50° F#. 



EC RET ,-4 

flTY ’information''* 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG si 






Fulfilling these conditions allows the bridge to be nearly direct reading 
in conformation to the 0 to $0 graduated meter scale on all ranges , and 
also, for Range $ permits the thermistor heating current to be kept small 
enough to fulfill requirement "a". 

The balancing resistor series R]_ through Rg is so chosen that the bridge 
will give zero deflection at, respectively, -10°, +10°, 30°, £0°, and 70° F, 
based on the expected 200 ohm cable resistance and the design mean tem- 
perature-resistance function curve of the group of thermistors originally 
orderedo 

The VTVM unit is a balanced two tube circuit employing a pair of dry cells 
operated Raytheon CK $02 AX hearing aid tubes j in Fig. III-13 it is merely 
denoted by a block symbol. The absolute sensitivity varies from »$$ to 
jS$ volts required for a full scale reading and the plot of applied eraf 
against meter deflection in microamperes is not quite linear, but Is 
fairly reproducible despite variations in battery voltage. 

Before the bridge is put into operation, and at suitable intervals there- 
after, the zeroing button SW 3 is depressed and the VTVM indication set at 
zero by means of an internal variable voltage source controlled by a 
zeroing knob on the panel. The rates of drift of the VTVM unit and of 
the bridge battery supply voltage, are so small, especially above 
freezing ambient temperatures , that the zeroing procedure (which must ob- 
viously be done first) and the bridge current adjusting procedure need be 
repeated only at 1$ minute intervals or greater after the bridge has been 
in operation for the first five minutes. 



RiT 

TV INFORMATION 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG ;i 



The finished bridge unit, with the case opened into operating position, 
is shown in Fig* Ill-liu The upper hinge on the control panel allows it 
to be raised for battery changing. It will be observed that there are 
three pairs of terminals for attachment of thermistors j pair No* 1 is nor- 
mally connected to the bridge, and pairs No. 2 and No* 3 are temporarily 
connected by pressing the appropriate buttons. This allows simultaneous 
observations of air temperature at the balloon altitude, at the base level, 
and, if the equipment is operated on a roof top, of temperatures down to 
ground level. Figure III-13 shows an interior view of the instrument 
case with the batteries in place but not connected. The space under the 
clipboard is available for storing the thermistors in their cages as well 
as the panel lights. 

U« Wiresonde Reel and Balloon Attachment 

The wiresonde reel (see Fig. III-16) is operated by mejans of a hand crank, 
and wraps the cable around a 6 inch diameter flanged drum* The fixed end 
of the cable terminates at an outside connector block connected to well 
insulated brass slip rings from which silver contact brushes make connec- 
tions to the bridge terminals. This provision enables the thermistor 
bead resistance to be read at any time during ascent or descent of the 
balloons as well as when the reel is stationary by the cam-operated brake 
shown at the lower right. Terminals under the slip ring housing provide 
electrical connections to the three cable wires. 



In normal operation one lead of the balloon cable is connected to the 
balloon reel stand which is in turn connected to a good electrical ground 



yVSICRET , 4 

TY INFOIMATION 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



and also to the grounded side of the thermistor bridge instrument case* 
This procedure reduces the shock hazard occasioned by nearby power lines 
and in addition reduces the some times ^ large effects of radio frequency 
pickup from nearby broadcasting and television transmitters • For certain 
cable lengths this effect has, on occasion, completely vitiated the bridge 
readings until proper grounding was installed} strong radio frequency 
voltages, despite the presence of bypass capacitors across the bridge in- 
put terminals and across the grid circuit of the vacuum tube amplifier, 
have in these cases blocked the amplifier so that it would no longer re- 
spond properly to the D.C. unbalance emf from the bridge circuit. This 
condition has been easily detected by the peculiar and fluctuating be- 
havior of indications, and has not jeopardized the reliability of the tem- 
perature profiles. 

The maimer in which the thermistor cage is inserted between the cable and 
the balloon cord is shown in Fig. Ill -17. The cable strain is transferred 
by means of grooved Bakelite rings around which the cable is wrapped sev- 
eral times and then secured with tape and string. A heavy clanping pres- 
sure is not applied to the cable because it has been found that there is 
danger of distorting the interior plastic insulation and short-circuiting 
the copper wires* 

The peripheries of the Bakelite spools also tend to distribute the points 
on the cable at which the copper is most subject to continual flexing. 

To safeguard against parting of the cable at the point of strain, the 
lower spool is attached to a jumper wire which bypasses the thermistor 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG_ 



FO<S*XTt*l 



cage and is attached independently to the balloon cord. Thus, it is only 
the upper spool, to which the looped thermistor leads are attached, that 
normally takes the strain, while the lower spool and jumper act as a stand- 



A Bytoon, which is normally used with the wiresonde equipment rather than 
balloons, is shown in Fig. III-18. The Kytoon, being a special form of 
airfoil balloon, has better lift characteristics and stability at high 
wind speeds and offers less horizontal drag than round balloons. The one 
illustrated, a Dewey and Alny Kytoon "8000”, displaces 82 cubic feet, is 
126 inches long by $1 inches in diameter, and has h to 6 pounds of lift 
at a 5> mph wind speed* 



5. Calibration and Accuracy 



Since the bead type thermistor and its leads are directly exposed, the 
bead thermistors are not calibrated by direct immersion in liquid baths 
but are mounted in a liquidproof brass tube container which is immersed 
in the constant temperature bath. The reference temperature is read by 
means of frequently calibrated Mo. 30 copper-constantin thermocouples 
mounted close to the beads. A slow stream of helium (for better tempera- 
ture equilibration) is passed through a coiled copper tubing heat exchanger 
surrounding the brass container, then through the bottom of the container, 
and finally out through the one-half inch Lucite tube which also brings 
out the thermistor and thermocouple leads. This tube extends from the 
top of the brass container, kept about two inches below the level of the 
bath, to a height of ten inches above the surface. In this way appreciable 



ggaBGBCfc 



VttTY INFOKMATfoKn 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD. DPG, , 



— ' I , J’V ft I'T . 

INfOtMATlOK 



heat exchange between the interior of the container and the room air is 
prevented, and by virtue of the approximately equal response times of the 
thermocouples and thermistor beads, accurate calibrations are possible 
even if slow drifts occur at the low temperature when the bath is not 
thermostatically controlled. 

Temperature resistance data are generally taken at 115°, 90°, 32°, about 
0°, and about -20° F and translated into resistance values for even 5° F 
intervals from -4.0° to +115° F. The method is similar to that described 
in Section III of JQR 2 for the 14 -B thermistor aspirated air temperature 
indicator. The bridge unit is then calibrated by substituting for the 
thermistor a precision dial resistance box which is set in turn to the 
known thermistor resistance values at the 5° F intervals. The deviation 
of the bridge indicated teiqperature from the even 5° F intervals is re- 
corded and translated into a correction curve* 

Since no attempt is made to equalize the temperature resistance character- 
istics among a group of thermistors and since the VTVM sections of the 
different bridge units have characteristics which may depend on the indi- 
vidual tubes used, each bridge indication of temperature must, for trans- 
lation into air temperature, be referred to a correction curve applying 
to the particular thermistor and the particular bridge usejd. 

In the field, frequent comparisons between the corrected bridge readings 
and concurrent readings taken with a sling psychrometer will insure aga ins t 




Page 85 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




serious inaccuracies due to failing batteries, moisture, and contamination 
on the thermistor bead and its support, stray electrical leakage, and par- 
tial component failures in the bridge indicating unit* 



6. Performance in the Field 



It is possible for a two man crew in favorable weather to unload the entire 
equipment from a station wagon or walk-in van and to make the wire sonde 
runs. For the sake of more rapid operation, for operation in gusty winds, 
and when the ambient temperature gets below 20° F, a larger crew is de- 
sirable. 

At low temperatures all operations become more difficult, especially with 
gloves on, and the bridge itself must be kept in a heated car to prevent 
the batteries from freezing. By making use of a larger crew successful 
operations have been conducted at Minneapolis down to the limit of the 
lowest range, -10° F, of the bridge, and several of the bridges were sub- 
sequently modified to extend the range down to -25° F, Figure II-2 illus- 
trates the cold weather operation of the wiresonde by a four man crew. 

In the interests of safety both of operating personnel and of chance finders 
of escaped balloons, only helium, not hydrogen, is used for filling the 
balloons. Since this is rather expensive, it is standard practice to store 
and handle the Xytoons in the inflated or at least partially inflated condi- 
tion. 

Also for reasons of safety, certain electrical hazards in the operation of 
the wiresonde equipment must be recognized and dealt with. Before setting 



Page 86 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIE D - JOD,DPG 




up the equipment at a new location, a thorough survey is made to locate 
any high tension wires in the vicinity, and if these are present the 
maximum allowable balloon altitude is set at very conservative safe limits, 
dependent upon anticipated variations in wind speed and direction,, 

If the balloon cable should break so as to leave the balloon pulling its 
lead wire across country, there would be the danger of someone innocently 
taking hold of the trailing wire while it is draped across a high tension 
line. Therefore, the maximum tension to which the cable will be subjected 
is kept well below the rated 100 pound minimum breaking strength, and 
operation in strong winds is avoided, particularly when the temperature 
profile is of secondary interest. 

In practice, it is found that the altitude may usually be determined with 
sufficient accuracy from an experimentally determined table in which the 
balloon altitude is given as a function of the elevation angle of the bal- 
loon measured at the reel location and the length of cable paid out as in- 
dicated by coded markings on the cable. Allowance is made, of course, for 
the distance beneath the balloon at which the thermistor cage is suspended, 
In daylight the balloon >s vertical angle is measured by a single clinome- 
ter reading to the nearest degree, and at night an automobile spotlight 
mounted with altitude-azimuth dials is centered on the Kytoon, 

Additional reference to the wiresonde operations is made in Section II of 
this report, and some of the wiresonde data are presented in Section V. On 



;e 8' 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG !C 



the basis of the experience gained in collecting and applying these data,, 
it may be said that the equipment in the form described here represents 
a practical and useful instrument for mesometeorological investigations 0 



Page 88 




5 ® « 



wUmm 














KE€K.A»E& mciAssimm - 






■§■? . ■ v.: 
.......... 

■I'. 



W//My/A 



mmMsm umclas s i wi m 



PRESSURE DROP (cm hg) 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




FIGURE UL-7 

PUMP FLOW CHARACTERISTICS AND FILTER 
FLOW CHARACTERISTICS AS MEASURED ON PARTICULAR UNITS 




?re**wnofi 



PAGE 94 



FLOW RATE (LITERS PER MINUTE) 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



wm<s« ■ •••••« 



FIGURE m-8 

FLOWRATE AND CURRENT DRAIN OF A PARTICULAR 
PUMP- FILTER COMBINATION AS A FUNCTION OF BATTERY VOLTAGE 




I 

■ 

sum 

■ 



CURRENT DRAIN 

I 



I 

I 

I 

I 



4 5 6 7 8 

VOLTS APPLIED TO PUMP MOTOR 



CURRENT DRAIN (AMPERES) 








REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



Alnor Velometer Jr. Anemometers, showing inlet port 
left, and outlet port, right. 



Back view of Shunted vane flowmeter, 
modified Alnor Velometer Jr. Anemometer. 

Right; communication to former outlet port, 
common inlet hole in crosspipe. Left; adap 
head, with communication to crosspipe and f 
inlet hole. Meter in inverted position to 
details of adapter head. 



wwmm 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD. DPG 









INFORM AT tO 



Fig. Ili-ll 



Western Electric D-17690 Bead Type Thermistor, 
used as wiresonde temperature sensing element 
(shown in shipping container). 



Page 97 



Fig. III-12 



Protective Cage for Bead Thermistor, to be in- 
serted in balloon line. 




_ = REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG ; - 





FIGH3-I3 

SIMPLIFIED SCHEMATIC WIRESONDE 
BRIDGE CIRCUIT 




MWlWPCrtMATION' 







PAGE 98 





' 

w Ji, M 



mc&miw mctASSirtm* - i»,»K 









mmmMMB m&cu&mMW - im+rmi 










mmm 







PART 2 of 3 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG^ 



17* TEMPERATURE SURVEYS IN ST„ LOUIS 



Ac CITY STRUCTURE AND TERRAIN 



St. Louis, with a population of more than 856,000, is located on the west- 
ern side of the Mississippi River, near its conjunction with the Missouri 
River. Running parallel with the river, from north to south, are the rail- 
road tracks and yards. Also running from north to south between the river 
and Broadway, is the heavy industrial complex. The Monsanto Chemical Com- 
pany, for example, is located in this area. As one approaches the river, 
going east from Broadway, the ground drops moderately. Throughout the city 
the elevation varies from UOO to 605 feet above sea level. 

Covering an area of approximately 61 square miles, St. Louis contains about 
four square miles of inland water. Lakes and rivers are thus not as prom- 
inent within the City as they are in Minneapolis. Forest Park, covering 
an area of two square miles in the west-central section, is the largest of 
the 79 city-owned parks. South of the railroad tracks to Jefferson Memorial 
National Park, which faces the river on the east, is light industry from 
one to six stories high* Beyond the park the area becomes densely residen- 



The downtown district is well defined. It consists of an area of 0.86 of a 
square mile, bounded by Delmar Boulevard on the north just above Jefferson 
Park, by railroad yards on the south, by Third Street adjoining Jefferson 
Park on the east, and by Twentieth Street on the west. It consists of 
raultistoried buildings. No trees are found here except in the parks, and 
in this respect, too, St, Louis differs from Minneapolis. 



Page 10l| 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG__ 



The east and west streets running west of the downtown district are com- 
mercial. Warehouses and light industry are found elsewhere, all one to 
three stories high. In the northwest area the commercial buildings are 
similarly one to three stories high. The area consists of many multiple 
dwellings except for one district of rehabilitated housing covering approxi- 
mately 12 square blocks. Here the backyards are small. Near Fairground 
Park and beyond, housing is mostly single residences. 

A secondary business district, including the leading theaters, is located 
at Grand Boulevard and Olive-Lindell. It should be noted that the main 
streets are predominantly commercial. 



Page IQ!? 



-REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD, DPG„ 



B» SUMMARY OF RESULTS 

Between January and March 19 % 3 , 18 temperature surveys, in addition to the 
1? reported for the preceding quarterly period, were made in St. Louis 
preparatory to selecting a provisional site for studying aerosol cloud be- 
havior. The procedures and instruments for measuring the horizontal tem- 
perature gradient are detailed in JQR 2. Because of the major testing 
effort expended in Minneapolis and the resulting diversion of a limited 
supply of necessary meteorological equipment, no measurements were taken 
of the vertical temperature gradient. A summary of the 18 two-meter tem- 
perature surveys is included in Table II-3, Section II. 

Of the 35 temperature surveys conducted in St. Louis since the inception 
of the current program, full evaluative attention is given in this report 
to fours to surveys M-1010 and M-1016, both of which were merely cited in 
JQR 2, and to surveys M-1020 and M-IO 2 I 4 .. In each survey, resulting in 
isotherm charts for 2000,2100, and 2200 CST, an adequate network of repre- 
sentative data was obtained, although the area south of Tower Grove Park 
was not traversed. The first three surveys employed four cars each; the 
last survey, an additional car. Routes covered in the surveys are indi- 
cated in Fig. IV -1; they are based on the results of preliminary runs in 
this city and on the findings obtained in similar surveys of other cities, 
particularly Minneapolis. Since intensive coverage was not achieved, cer- 
tain regions of uncertainty remain. Isotherms for such regions, as for 
comparable Minneapolis isotherms, have been drawn on the basis of experience 
gained from surveys conducted elsewhere and are indicated as dashed rather 
than solid lines. 



Page 106 



fNFOIMATION 




WKCRAnKT) TTNr.T.ASSTFTED - JOD.DPG 


* 


■MH 





For each of the four surveys, the applicable raob sounding obtained at 
Columbia Municipal Airport, the summary of the synoptic situation, and 
the isotherm chart or charts are presented in Appendix A. Of the twelve 
isotherm charts obtained from these surveys, seven are reproduced in the 
appendix, three for M-1010, two for M-1016, and one each for M-1020 and 
M-102U. 

These particular isotherm charts were chosen for their comprehensive rep- 
resentation of the City under varying meteorological conditions. M-1010, 
for example, was selected to present a complete series of three traverses 
for one night, 5 December 1952, which was characterized by clear skies and 
relatively light winds. Survey M-1016, conducted eleven nights later, 
showed an extremely high temperature differential at 2100 hours, and a 
marked decrease one hour later. Whereas the 2100 isotherm map for M-1020 
(8 January 1953) shows the influence of adverse weather such as cloudy 
skies with moderate winds and precipitation, the corresponding map for 
M-102U (5 March 1953) shows an average typical night characterized by 
clear skies and light winds. 

The prevailing meteorological conditions described above are listed in 
Table IV-1, which, for purposes of correlation, defines horizontal gradient 
measurements in numerical terras. The symbols used to describe the chart 
situations are defined in JQR 2 (pp, 68 - 69 ) • Entries for other meteoro- 
logical data, including survey clouds and diurnal temperature range, are 




Page 107 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG.. 



also described in JQR 2. These data were obtained from continuous re- 
cordings made at Lambert Field, 10.8 miles northwest of the city. All 
wind instruments at the airport were located 59 feet above ground. 



Page 108 




SELECTED TEMPERATURE S UR YETS 




Page 109 



RE GRADE D UNC LASSIFIED - JOD,DPG_ 




0. CHARACTERISTICS OF HORIZONTAL TEMPERATURE PATTERNS 

1. Isotherm Patterns and their Reproducibility* 

The two-meter isotherms over St# Louis show a consistent pattern on all 
nights. With clear skies and light winds the pattern is sharp and intense 
as shown by the 2100 CST map from M-1016 (Fig# A -6). Under adverse weather 
conditions the pattern fades as shown by the map from M-1020 (Fig. A-9). 

The wannest air is generally over the downtown district just west of the 
Jefferson Memorial, while the coolest air is over Forest Park and the out- 
lying areas to the northwest of the city limits. The horizontal tempera- 
ture gradients in the vicinity of the downtown heat island are frequently 
quite pronounced on the east or river side but are weak to the northwest. 

As indicated by the map from survey M-102U (Fig. A-ll), the gradient to 
the east was in excess of 6° F and only 1 to 2° F to the northwest. The 
temperature gradients in the colder areas are frequently quite intense on 
all sides. An extreme instance is shown by the 2100 CST map from M-1016, 
where horizontal temperature changes in excess of 10° F per 2000 feet were 
measured in the vicinity of Forest Park. 

Although the temperature differential (Q^ varies markedly with the weather, 
the basic pattern persists under a c onsiderable range of meteorological 
conditions and is therefore considered to be reproducible. In particular, 
the weak gradients in the tentatively selected test sites (see Section I7-E) 
are reproducible. 

* All figures cited in this and the succeeding portions of the present 
Section are found in Appendix A. 




Page 110 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 



2. Effect of Meteorological Parameters on the Isotherm Patterns 

The primary effect of cloud cover and the secondary effect of wind speed 
are clearly illustrated by comparing the 2100 CST data from surveys M-1016 
and M-1020 (Figs. A-6 and A-9). In the first case, on 16 December 1952, 
a near ma-iH rrmm value of D^ in excess of 17° F was obtained with clear skies 
and local wind speeds of 2 to 3 mph. But in survey M-1020, conducted on 
8 January 1953, a near minimum value of U° F was obtained with cloudy skies, 
precipitation, and local wind speeds of 4 to 7 mph. The fEAfj arin values 
for the two surveys are also affected. Under clear skies and an average 
wind speed of 2,5 mph, a value of only 0,1 mile per degree Fahrenheit was 
obtained, but with cloudy skies the value exceeds 0,5 mile per degree 
Fahrenheit and wind speeds average 5*5 mph. 

Since no survey has yet been made with clear skies and moderate to strong 
winds, it is impossible to evaluate completely the singular effects of 
wind speed on temperature. However, currently available data do not con- 
tradict previous conclusions that the city temperature differential de- 
creases with increasing wind speed. The evaluation of wind speed effect 
is also complicated by the wide range in values obtained on a given night 
from the continuously recording instruments located at different sites and 
at relatively high elevations. In survey M-1016, for instance, varying 
wind speeds were reported for the following heights: 2 mph at ground level, 

3 mph at roof top height in the University area, 6 mph at the 59 foot height 
(Lambert Field), and 18 mph at 303 foot height (Weather Bureau, city office). 



Page 111 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




Qualitative indications are that wind speed changes both the shape and 
location of the heat island. In M-1010 the warm area was quite elongated 
by the westerly winds, and weakening of the usual riverside gradient is 
largely explained by advection of warmer air eastward. 

The immediate effect of a small change in weather conditions is clearly 
demonstrated by comparing the 2100 and 2200 GST maps from survey M-1016 
(Figs. A-6 and A-7). On the 2100 map an intense Dj of 17.5° F existed} 
on the following map the Dj dropped sharply to 9.6° F. This decrease of 
nearly 8° F was occasioned by a decrease of 2° F in the warm areas and by 
a warming of nearly 6° F in the cold areas. Associated with this warming 
of the colder areas was a gradual increase in wind speeds at the airport 
and at the Weather Bureau, city office. It would thus appear that the wind 
shear of 12 mph, as evidenced between the 60 and 300 foot observations, 
was sufficient to weaken the strong but shallow inversion established early 
in the evening. This hypothesis is supported by the twofold increase in 
visibility at the airport, from five miles in smoke to ten miles unrestrict- 
ed, and a local shift in wind direction from southeast to south-southwest. 

3. Effects of Terrain 

St. Louis terrain may be described as gently rolling country. From a low 
contour of approximately U00 feet paralleling the river, the land slopes 
upward to the west at a maximum rate of 100 feet in U000 (Fig. IV-1). The 
highest spots in the city are a few knolls which just exceed 600 feet. 

With an elevation range of only 200 feet, it would thus seem that terrain 
effects are at a minimum. Such is the case in the downtown district and 




Page 112 




the associated area to the northwest, both lying mostly between the ltJ>0 
and J>*> 0 foot elevations. In the Forest Park area, however, there are 
definite indicatipns that on inversion nights the cold air favors the 
lowest ground even though the elevation differentials are only $0 to 100 
feet. Another noticeable terrain influence is along the river’s edge just 
east of the downtown district. These two effects are exemplified by the 
2100 CST map from M-1016. 

Within the city limits there are no lakes comparable in size to those of 
Minneapolis, although the City does include some four square miles of 
water area mostly east from the Mississippi River,, Considerable water 
and marshy area on the eastern side of the river may have some influence 
under conditions of weak easterly winds. 

U. Comparison with Other Cities 

A comparison of St. Louis with Minneapolis or with the western cities 
studied earlier by the Stanford project shows that for its size, St. Louis 
has comparable intensities of horizontal temperature differential and tem- 
perature gradient. As Table IV -2 indicates, there is considerable simi- 
larity in the basic temperature patterns of St. Louis and San Francisco. 
Each has a downtown district less than a mile away from the water, and 
a large park approximately four miles to the west. Both also compare 
favorably in population density and maximum temperature differential. 

In one respect, however, St. Louis is unique. It is the only city so far 
studied that has such a high percentage of flat gradient area. The overall 




Page 113 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




differentials persist, but even under the extreme oases of Dj, as in 
M-1016 , the area to the northwest of the downtown district is relatively 
homogeneous . 

TABLE 17-2 



HORIZONTAL TEMPERATURE PATTERN CHARACTERISTICS 
COMPARED WITH 

VARIOUS INDEXES OF CITY SIZE 

St. Louis San Francisco Minneapolis 



Population 


857,000 


78U,000 


522,000 


Incorporated Land Area,* 
square miles 


57.0 


U5.1 


53.5 


Population Density, 

persons/square mile 


15,000 


17,300 


9,700 


Maximum Temperature Differ- 
ence (Dj) °F 


17.5 


20.0 


18.0 


Minimum R/^T (mi/ 0 ?) 


*1U 


.18 


.1 h 



* This area does not include any water areas such as lakes and rivers. 



Page 11U 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 



D. VERTICAL TEMPERATURE GRADIENTS' 



No measurements of vertical temperature gradients were made with wiresonde 
equipment because of the greater need at Minneapolis for the available 
equipment. Local wiresondes are scheduled for the next quarterly period. 

The nearest radiosonde station is at Columbia, Missouri, about 115 miles 
to the west* There are no major topographic discontinuities between Co- 
lumbia and St. Louis, Therefore, in the absence of frontal systems, the 
Columbia raob data should indicate reasonably well the degree of atmos- 
pheric stability over the open lands surrounding St. Louis. Thus for each 
of the four surveys reported here, Columbia raob soundings and winds -aloft 
data for the first 1*000 feet above the surface are given for 2100 CST, 
corresponding to a selected isotherm chart, and for the preceding and fol- 
lowing mornings at 0900 CST (Figs. A-l, A-5, A-8, and A-10). 



A comparison of the four low-level vertical temperature gradients at Colum- 
bia with the four corresponding temperature differentials at St. Louis 
shows a close agreement between the strength of the inversion and the in- 
tensity of the St. Louis D<p (see Table IV-2). With strong inversions of 
9.8° F per 1*00 feet, as in M-1016 (Fig. A-5), there is a max i mum of 

17.5° F, but with a lapse of 0.8° F per 1*00 feet as in M-1020 (Fig. A-8), 
the intermediate values decrease on a nearly straight line relationship, 
reaching a minimum D<p condition of 1*«2° F. More data are needed to es- 
tablish a definite relationship. However, some evidence of such a 



Page 115 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




E. SELECTION OF SITE FOR AEROSOL CLOUD STUDIES 

The criteria for selecting sites suitable for aerosol cloud studies em- 
ploying the fluorescent tracer technique were discussed in J3R 2. It 
was noted that of the areas ranging from a quarter to a mile on a side, 
one area should be typical of the major built-up portion of the oity, in- 
cluding commercial and residential structures, and that other areas 
enabling comparative studies should have relatively similar population 
densities and land use characteristics. Additional requirements of an 
appropriately selected test site are a ml n-iimmi horizontal temperature 
gradient across it, reasonable level terrain, and a uniform building 
density also in the surrounding region. 

Based on considerations of the foregoing criteria, mesometeorological 
survey results, personal inspection, and examination both of topographic 
maps and aerial photographs, a five square mile test area was selected. 

It is bounded by Grand Boulevard on the west. Palm Street on the north, 
Chouteau Avenue on the south, and Broadway and Third Streets on the east. 
Relatively flat, densely built up, and sparsely tree covered, this area 
includes the downtown district which will be used as one test and is large 
enough so that a number of one square mile test sites of intermediate 
building density can be selected. 



s 



Page 117 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG^ 




V. AEROSOL TRACER TESTS IN MINNEAPOLIS 
A. SCOPE OF OPERATIONS 

The fluorescent tracer studies described here are part of a continuing 
program designed to provide the field experimental data necessary to 
estimate munitions requirements for the strategic use of chemical and 
biological agents against typical target cities. The principal factor* 
affecting such munitions requirements, the climatological and topographi- 
cal requisites of a test city, and the characteristics of a suitable simu- 
lant agent were described in JQR 1. Also presented in the report was a 
general description of the city test planning required to obtain informa- 
tion which is applicable to any agent and type of munition and is depen- 
dent of the munition distribution on the target. 

From past field experience it has been found that selected urban areas 
should be about one-half mile on a side and that approximately ten grams 
of the tracer material should be released from a fixed point source over 
a period of approximately five minutes. Dispersal of such duration mini- 
mizes the effect of transient fluctuations in local meteorological condi- 
tions and yields more reproducible as well as representative dosage pat- 
terns.^ 

Listed below are the specific objectives of the tests described in this 
report. These tests were conducted in Able area (see Section VS "Test 
Site") and involved point-source releases and in some instances included 
sequential s amplin g. 



Page 118 





1, To determine the reproducibility of street level dosage patterns 
in an essentially residential area under given meteorological 
conditions ; 

2, To determine whether the street level dosage pattern from a point 
source is affected by the source position, that is, when the gen- 
erator is located at an intersection, at a point midway between 
intersections, at a point within a block, or on a roof top, 

3, To determine the effect on dosage patterns of day and night mete- 
orological conditions, 

lu To obtain data on the penetration of the aerosol cloud into resi- 
dences at various distances from the aerosol disperser, and to 
determine whether there is any residual background or lingering 
effect of the cloud within buildings. 




Page 119 




B* TEST SITE 

Able Area, tentatively selected by 31 December 19f>2 as a desirable area 
for conducting aerosol cloud studies employing the fluorescent tracer 
technique, was the site for the field tests described in the present re- 
port* Approximately one and a half miles south of the central business 
district, the area is bounded by 2£th Street, 35th Street, 1st Avemw 
South, and Chicago Avenue. It is reasonable flat although the terrain 
slopes gently to a 20-foot depression in the center (Fig* V-l). Primari- 
ly a residential area, it consists predominantly of two story frame houses 
(Fig. V-3). The area is bisected by an east-west railroad which runs a- 
long an underpass cut below the level of all streets except the one street 
crossing the sink at the J*8-foot elevation. Thus, all north-to-south 
oriented streets except 5th Avenue span the railroad by bridges which 
are somewhat arched; the west and east embankments are 20 and 18 feet, 
respectively, at the highest points. 

Along the railroad artery a moderately sized industrial complex has grown 
(Fig. V-2). Only to the north, along Uth Avenue between 27th and 28th 
Streets, are the manufacturing buildings from four to nine stories high. 
These constitute Minneapolis -Honeywell Regulator Corporation. Along Lake 
Street to the south, a commercial center has developed consisting predom- 
inantly of one and two story buildings. 

Clinton School (Fig. V-U) the two story brick elementary school at Clifton 
Avenue and 28th Street, was used for a roof top meteorological station. 



Page 120 




for a wiresonde site, and for penetration-study operations. It is fully 
described in a later section of this report. 







Page 121 




C* EQUIPMENT AND PROCEDURES 
1. Aerosol Ge Deration 

A continuous blower-type aerosol generator* is used in each test to dis- 
perse the tracer material NJZ 2266 as an aerosol. The generator compon- 
ents Include a small hopper for the dry powdered pigment, a high speed 
centrifugal blower to generate the aerosol, a feed mechanism to provide 
a controlled rate of powder delivery from the hopper to the blower, and 
a battery powered supply and control box. Recent modifications of the 
feed mechanism** permit delivery of approximately 1 to 3i grams per min- 
ute for a period of at least ten minutes and with an average deviation 
of less than 3.5% from the mean discharge rate* By weighing the remova- 
ble plexiglass hopper before and after a test, the precise amount of ma- 
terial dispersed can be determined. 

The aerosol generating unit, supported by a metal frame, is operated 
either from the rear of a truck (Figs* V-5 and V-6) or from a roof top 
(Fig. V-7). Exact locations of the disperser during the currently re- 
ported tests are found in the respective isodosage charts in Appendix B. 
The first dispersing position for a given test involving several releases 
is established at the last minute so that optimum coverage of the sampler 
array is achieved by the aerosol cloud. In later releases during the 
night the generator is relocated on a roof top or at another position 

* For description see SBMR 147-11 and 14, and SQR 1856-3# 

** Full details will be found in SQR 1856-5. 




SE 



Page 122 




within a block of the first, provided there is no substantial wind shift. 
Dispersal starting time is fixed not only by a predetermined schedule but 
by work received on the radio network from the Test Director. 

Upon completion of a test the generating unit is isolated for separate 
housing and maintenance at a location remote from the field office. Full 
precautions are taken to avoid accidentally introducing contamination into 
the field office premises which would reduce the accuracy and reliability 
of particle counts, 

2. Sampling 

a. Deployment and Exposure of Samplers 

Membrane filter samplers, described and illustrated in Section III, were 
used exclusively in the currently reported series of tests. Units were 
deployed at a predetermined set of positions which included car, ground, 
roof, and inside installations (Figs. V-8 through V-13). 

The basic array or grid pattern may be modified up to 20 minutes prior 
to the aerosol release. The samplers are dispatched to the most favora- 
ble positions based on meteorological data obtained during the preceding 
hour. Should the wind shift after the initial release has been made, 
instructions are given either by direct contact or by radio to redistrib- 
ute certain samplers* Should a preassigned location not be reached or 
become available, the sampler is placed as close as possible to that lo- 
cation and the exact location and method of exposure recorded. 




Page 123 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




Though there is no specific orientation of filter surfaces, they are gen- 
erally faced downward in the event of rain, and to the street side of cars 
and away from the objects to which the holders are tied* To approximate 
a man *3 height, surface-sampling holders are no rmall y placed at or about 
the five foot level (Fig. V-9). 

b. Sampling Period 

Samplers are started on or before a scheduled zero time and are turned off 
several < *t £*** n S after the duration calculated to be required for passage of 
the aerosol cloud. Each operator is instructed to check his sampler or 
samplers periodically and to cap all holders not in use. For each succes- 
sive release he inserts a new filter-loaded holder, taking care not to 
change the sampler position. Between releases there is a 20 to 30 minute 
off -sampling period during which time pumps are not in operation. 

c. Sequential Sampling 

To check the time of cloud passage and the adequacy of sampling time, two 
filters are sequent! ally exposed during a given release. At a prescheduled 
time at selected stations primarily inside buildings and at a few outside 

T 

positions downwind of the aerosol source, the (Operators remove an already 
exposed holder and insert another holder into the connective coupling of 
the same pump. The change is made quickly so that the off -sampling period 
is limited to a few seconds. 




Page 12U 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




d. Flow Rating 



A flow rat© through each exposed filter is necessary for calculation of 
the total dosage which is defined as the number of particles deposited on 
the entire filter divided by the average flow rate. This flow rate for a 
given filter-p um p combination can be predicted only approximately* 



In practice particularly since the pumps (described in Section III) are 
not equipped with regulating devices, the actual flow rate is not necessar- 
ily constant during the sampling period and differs among the individual 
pump units. It is also determined by variations in permeability among the 
filters. During a normal exposure not enough material is collected on the 
filter surface to change its permeability. The flow rate used in the total 
dosage calculations is the mean between measurements made at the beginning 
and the end of the sampling period. This is currently accomplished by the 
modified Alnor Velometer Jr. described in Section IH (Fig. V-lU). 



Flow rating can be done conveniently within satisfactory limits of accuracy 
inside the laboratory rather than at the site of operations at outdoor tem- 
peratures.* 



* In Minneapolis a number of direct flow rate measurements were taken to 
determine the effect of the ambient air temperature or the temperature 
of the equipment on the capacity of the sampling pumps. These measure- 
ments were made in a room at 7U° F and out-of-doors at 7°F. The flow 
rate was measured immediately after all equipment, including the flow 
meter, was transferred to the warm room from out-of-doors and yielded 
a high value of 8.7 liters per minute. On the other hand, a low value 
of 7.6 liters per minute was obtained when measurement was taken imme- 
diately upon removal of the equipment from the room to the outdoors. 

An extreme 11# change in flow rate was thus observed. Under a more nor- 
mal or usual situation, however , the change was found to be in the range 
of 0.3 to 0*5 liters per minute, or an average of $% higher out-of-doors. 







Page 125 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 




A standard filter-loaded holder has been used recently to e limin ate the 
need for flow rating of exposed filters after the release* Since this 
holder remains in the laboratory, its use as a standard, in preference 
to an exposed holder, lessens the possibility of cross contamination in 
the handling of filter units* Before a tracer test the filter-loaded 
holders belonging to the same sampling group, that is, those operated try 
the same pump, are flow rated} first, the holders that are to be exposed 
during the test, and next the holder considered as the standard* After 
the experiment flow rate measurement is taken of the standard holder only* 
The resulting relationship between the initial and final readings of the 
standard is used to extrapolate the expected flow rate change for the 
other holders. 

Data gathered during the current period from test FT 0009 indicate that 
this extrapolation method of determining the final flow rates of the ex- 
posed filters is a valid procedure. These data provide a comparison be- 
tween the extrapolated final flow rate and actual flow measurements made 
on a group of 95 exposed filters distributed among 30 pumps, each pump 
being tested with a filter used only as a standard. 

The mean deviation between the extrapolated and the measured flow rates 
was found to be 3.3^ , and 90 out of the 95 filters shown mean deviations 
of less than 10 Two filters showing a 3<# deviation, probably due to 
gross errors in the flow rating technique, were not included in the above 
figures, although they formed a part of the same group of samplers em- 
ployed in an actual field experiment. 

Page 126 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




It should be noted that the foregoing figures reflect not only the expected 
validity of the extrapolation method, but also all of the additional errors 
entailed in the flow rate measurements* Moreover, if the flow rate used in 
calculating total dosages is taken to be the average of the initial and the 
extrapolated final flow rates, then the effect of the above deviations on 
the accuracy of the total dosages are even less, and still greater is the 
justification for dispensing with the procedure of actually measuring the 
final flow rates of the exposed filters. 



3. Filter Analysis 



The large number of samplers used in the aerosol hour tests and the fact 
that tests are run in rapid succession requires that the results be evalu- 
ated as quickly as possible in order to plan subsequent tests. Therefore, 
a comparison technique, briefly described below, has been established for 
obtaining a preliminary evaluation (preval) of the filter count. When 
plotted, the prevals provide a preliminary estimate of the test result with- 
in a few hours after the release is made. In the course of the preval opt- 
eration, the filters are segregated according to estimated particle count 
after which they are mounted on microscope slides and counted for final 
evaluation. 



Prevals are made after exposed holders have been flow rated and placed in 
racks, 2h at a time, but before the filters are removed from their holders 
for microscopic examination. Estimates are made of particle concentration 
by moving the racks alongside an array of standard filters containing pre- 
viously determined counts of varying particle densities. The comparison 






Page 127 



.REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 




between unknown and standard filters is mads under £X magnification* 
With this procedure the smallest detectable number of particles on the 
collection surface is approximately 5 00. When the number of particles 
is greater than £,000, the filter count can be estimated to within a 
factor of two. Since all pumps operate at vary nearly ten liters per 
minute, the preval is equal to the estimate count divided by ten liters 
per minute. 

Filters showing positive prevals are removed from the rack as they are 
examined and grouped in four categories depending on the preval, as in- 
dicated below: 



Group 


Preval 


I. 


0 to So 


II. 


So to U0,000 


III. 


i|0,000 to 100,000 


IV. 


>100,000 



The filters are kept in the above groups during further processing which 
includes mounting on glass slides, boxing, storing, and counting. The 
slides belonging to the first group are examined with a 3.UX Spencer ob- 
jective and 10X eyepieces, and, if fewer than six particles are found, no 
further examination is required and the filter is classed as zero. For 
those slides containing six or more particles, the standard 16 mm objec- 
tive is used and the filters are counted either by traverses or by fields. 
The standard counting techniques, the statistical considerations by which 




si 



Page 128 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG, 




the minimum representative count of 270 was determined, and the respective 
formulas for estimating total particle counts are described in SQR 18J>6-U. 

iu Meteorology 

It was seen in JQR 2, and reiterated by the tenqperature surveys reported 
above in Section 17, that measurements of horizontal and vertical tempera- 
ture gradients in urban and peripheral areas are prerequisite to a selec- 
tion of proper sites for conducting aerosol tracer tests. So that corre- 
lations can subsequently be made with the dosage distribution data, com- 
plementary two-meter air temperature surveys are made including vertical 
temperature soundings. In addition, auxiliary meteorological observations 
must be made within the selected areas before and during the individual 
tracer tests* Two types of field meteorological stations are responsible 
for these observations r the surface leval and the roof top stations. 

The first type Consists of two to three automobiles, each equipped with 
a* A sensitive microtorque wind vane mounted on the automobile 
top at approximately two maters (Fig. V-15)? 

b. An Ester lina-Angus mill lame ter placed inside the car for 
continuous recording of street level wind direction (Fig. 
V-l6)j and 

c. An Alnor Velometer for measuring wind velocities at ten 
minute intervals. 

Measurements are taken while the cars are parked at predetermined loca- 
tions! one approximately a half block (l£0 feet) upwind of the aerosol 




Page 12? 



. REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 



source, and another along the general axis of the aerosol cloud at the 
downwind edge of the test grid. One hour before the first release at 
Z time, the cars are parked generally on the downwind side of a street, 
not in the lee of a building but preferably on the downwind side of an 
intersection or facing an open area. During this one hour period, per- 
sonnel prepare balloons and keep in constant communication with the Test 
Director for receiving or supplying pertinent information. 

The roof of the Clinton School (Fig. V-17), 35 feet above street level, 
is similarly equipped with a wind vane which is set three feet higher on 
the parapet at the farthest upwind edge of the building. At ten minute 
intervals wind velocity is likewise measured with a hand held Alnor 
Velometer. 



Various procedures are common to the auxiliary meteorological stations. 

At a specified time immediately prior to release time, toy balloons, in- 
flated with helium and weighted to give a long low angle trajectory, are 
released at all points (Fig. V-18), and additional wind drift observations 
are thereby obtained. At ten minute intervals all dry bulb thermometers 
are checked as are the wet bulb thermometers when the occasion warrants. 
In addition pyrometers are used to obtain representative measurements of 
typical building, snow, and road surfaces in the general vicinity of the 
meteorological stations (Fig. V-19). 



All measurements , including observations of cloud cover, gustiness, and 
precipitation, are taken during all releases. As noted above, trends or 
sudden changes are immediately reported by radio to the Test Director. 



Page 130 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



D. SUMMARY OF RESULTS 

During the present quarterly period 2U tracer tests involving 61 releases 
of fluorescent particulate material were conducted in four selected areas. 
Of these tests six are fully evaluated in this reports FT's 0003, OOOU, 

0008, 0009, 0010, and 0011. Each test, comprising two to four point-source 
releases from vehicle or roof top position, was conducted in Able Area 
which earlier descriptions have identified as representative of the city 
with respect to meteorological and land use factors and which in all like- 
lihood will be the standard by which other teat areas and the results ob- 
tained in them will be considered. 

Of the point-source releases summarized in Table V-l in terms of aerosol 
source, meteorological, and area-dosage information, 11 were made at 
night, three in the afternoon, and four in the early morning hours. The 
early morning releases comprising FT 0010 are considered as nighttime op- 
erations since they were completed before dawn. In four tests, FT’s 0008, 

0009, 0010, and 0011, sampling units were placed both within and outside 
Clinton School. In some instances the samplers no m i n a ll y considered out- 
side were actually placed within the building with nozzles extending be- 
yond the windows. House penetration studies were also made in FT's 0008, 
0009, and 0011, and samplers were operated sequentially at selected resid- 
ences. 

For each test the applicable isodosage charts, area-dosage relationships, 
s ummar y of house penetration and Clinton School results, isotherm map 
for an associated temperature survey, St. Cloud raob soundings, wiresonde 



Page 132 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 




SECUt 



graphs, and synoptic meteorological summary are presented in Appendix B. 
Evaluation of the associated temperature surveys in terms of Dj, [fi&lj nHn * 
and other quantitative values will be made in a later report. 




Page 133 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




E. PRELIMINARY COMMENTS ON AEROSOL CLOUD BEHAVIOR 
1* Dosage Areas 

The six tests in Able Area involving eighteen releases were conducted 
under wind conditions which ranged from an average of 0.7 mph for one 
test night to 5.5 mph on another night. Vertical temperature gradients 
ranged from 1*5° F lapse to 2,5° F inversion in 200 feet. 

The areas within given dosage isoplbths, when adjusted for the amount of 
material released} were at a maximum on the night with inversion condi- 
tions existing. They were at a minimum for the daytime test. Based on 
an average of all releases during a given test, the areas within the 
1000, 500, and 100 isodosage contours were greater under inversion condi- 
tions (FT 0008) by factors of 1U, 8, and 11, respectively, than for day- 
time lapse conditions (FT 0011). If the areas are further adjusted for 
wind speed, the factors become 2 l/2 and 1 1/2 



For each test a presentation of dosage values versus enclosed areas in 
square yards is shown in Appendix B (Figs. B-4, B-10, B-17, B-24, B-31, 
and B-39). The averages for each series of releases on a single night or 



— t/x#' (X^-^ 

afternoon are shown in Fig. V-20. In all cases th e m ar e c o rr e ct ed 
wind speed and' 1 amoun^released 




* C. J. M. Aanensen, Diffusion of Smoke in a Built-up Area, Porton Techni- 
cal Paper No. 193, 1950. 



Page 135 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



re based on areas per gras of material released and arg 



rected for 



.since in Minneapolis the 



measured in the test 



area, but in Salisbury- 



red in an open area outside the test 



area. If adj 



snts for wind were made, the difference between the 



would probably be greater than she 



2, Gross Wind Integrated Dosages (CWID) 



Maximum adjusted cross wind integrated dosages were obtained on FT's 0008, 
0009, and 0010, In general CWID values for these tests were about four 
times greater than for FT's 0003, OOOU, and 0011* FT 0008 was run under 
ground inversion conditions; FT's 0009 and 0010 were run under slight 
inversions or 30 to 1*0 foot isothermal layers with bases at or below f>0 
feet (Figs. B-16, B-23, B-30). 

Two of the three tests which showed low CWID values were performed at 
night with lapse conditions existing to at least 160 feet. The other was 
a daytime test with lapse conditions prevailing* 



Figure V-22 shows the average CWID distance relationship for each series 
of releases with the CWID's adjusted for wind speed and amount released 



grams 



3, Reproducibility of Dosage Patterns 



When wind conditions were relatively constant throughout the succession 
of releases of a given test period, similar dosage patterns were obtained 
on all releases. Even when slight wind shifts moved the axis of the 



Page 136 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 

dosage pattern, the resulting change was primarily a change in orienta- 
tion] the width and length of the pattern remained essentially the same. 

The calculation of dosage patterns obtained from multiple source releases, 
based only on single source releases, can be reasonably accurate only if 
the variations of the single source dosage patterns with horizontal and 
vertical displacements of the source are considered. In these Minneapolis 
tests displacement of the source horizontally or vertically on successive 
releases caused no observable significant effect. However, since none of 
the four roof top releases were made under strong inversion conditions, 
it cannot yet be concluded that under all conditions those elements of 
a cluster 'which function on roofs will contribute to the total dosage 
at ground level to the same extent as those which function on the ground. 

U. Variation of Dosages with Height 

Vertical samples taken outside windows of the first and second floors of 
the Clinton School, with other samples being taken on the roof, indicate 
a slight drop-off of dosage with altitude. A total of U 8 samples were 
taken during 12 releases. Expressed as per cents of the dosages obtained 
at a sampler on the ground nearby, the median values for the first floor, 
second floor, and roof as shown in Table V-2 were 93$, 8856 , and 61.5$, 
respectively. 




Page 137 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




TABUS V-2 

CLINTON SCHOOL VERTICAL ATTENUATION DATA 
EXPRESSED IN PERCENTAGES OF (BOUND LEVEL DOSAGES 





No. of 


No. of 


No. of Values 


Max 


Min 


Median 




Releases 


Samples 


Trace or Zero 


ill 




_J1L 


First Floor 


8 


11 


0 


358 


33 


93 


Second Floor 


12 


13 


0 


172 


35 


88 


Roof 


12 


2k 


1 


272 


0 


61*5 


GROSS 


12 


U8 


1 


272 


0 


81.5 



5. Penetration 

Penetration into the interior of the Clinton School showed somewhat lower 
values. For 71 dosages obtained during the same 12 releases, the median 
values for the ground floor, first floor, and second floor were 23.5^> 27 ^, 
and 22,556, respectively. The ventilating system of the school was not in 
operation during the tests. 

Penetration into houses differed markedly from that at the school. Based 
on only U2 dosages obtained during seven releases, the medians for base- 
ment, first floor, and second floor were 1356 > 11$ , and 256. Until further 
data are obtained it is difficult to account for the low value on the 
second floor. A summary of penetration values at Clinton School and at 
several residences are given in Table V- 3« 




Page 138 



.REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



TABU! V-3 

PENETRATION DATA EXPRESSED IN PERCENTAGES OF OUTSIDE DOSAGES'. 



Houses 


No. of 
Releases 


No. of 
Samples 


No. of Values 
Trace or Zero 


Max 

m 


Min 

01 


Median 

W 


Basement 


7 


19 


7 


58 


0 


13 


First Floor 


7 


13 


1* 


200 


0 


11 


Second Floor 


7 


1G 


J* 


1*1 


0 


2 


GROSS 


7 


U2 


15 


200 


0 


U.5 


Clinton School 












Ground Floor 


12 


36 


1* 


100 


0 


23.5 


First Floor 


9 


13 


0 


1*3 


11 


27 


Second Floor 


12 


22 


2 


100 


0 


22.5 


CROSS 


12 


71 


6 


100 


0 


23 



Five houses in which penetration studies were conducted are described and 
illustrated in Figs. V-23 through V-27. With each of these figures is 
given a summary of the dosages obtained at or within the particular resi- 
dence. No positive counts were obtained from outdoor and indoor samplers 
at a sixth house, F, located at 2722 Portland Avenue. The sampler arrays 
at Clinton School for FT's 0008, 0009, 0010, and 0011 are shown in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31, respectively. Each figure includes dosage summaries 
for all releases of the given test. 



Page 139 








y -f^ky\ 






i&m 



mm&im f , 



Wrnmmmm 



MMZMA&B& &MGMMBlFim 



m: mmpi 
m%% ?dm&M f% 










'.vi-V; ' : 



mmMMiy ®sciass£fie». 









REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 






Fig. V-23 



HOUSE A 



i m c n cr t . 

** 3 1 1 h f | 

i' ■ ; . M 






a* Front View 



b. Rear View 



House A, at 2814 Third Avenue South, is a two story wooden frame struc 
ture, equipped with storm windows of the wooden frame type. It has no 
basement and is insulated only in the attic. On each floor are gas- 
soace heaters which lack fans for circulating heat. 



Dosages Obtained in House A-" 



Release#* Outside Basement First Floor Second Floor 



FT 0008a 1 $ 8 0 

FT 0008b 26 1^2 



0 0 

17 0 



^Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 1 $ fluorescent 
particles. Double entries for a given column represent incre- 
mental dosages obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. 

-^Releases are listed only when positive counts were obtained 
outside. For the indicated releases. Figs. B-18 and B-19, Ap- 
pendix B, show the house in relation to the grid complex and 
the dosage pattern. 



1 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



Fig. V-2i* 



HOUSE B 



House B (not illustrated.), at 2739 Second Avenue South, is a two story 
stucco building, equipped with storm windows of the wooden frame type. 
Its walls and attic are completely insulated. A gas-fired, hot-water 
boiler is located in the one-quarter basement. 



Dosages Obtained in House B* 



Release** 



Outside 



Basement 



First Floor 



Second Floor 



FT 0008a 



FT 0008b 



17 110 



FT 0009b 



*Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding l£ fluorescent 
particles. Double entries ,for a given column represent incre- 
mental dosages obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. 
When more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on 
separate lines. 

-^Releases are listed only when positive counts were obtained 
outside. For the indicated releases, Figs, B-18, B-19, and 
B-26, Appendix B, show the house in relation to the grid com- 
plex and the dosage pattern. 






REGRADED U NCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 

Fig. V-25 
HOUSE C 




a. Oblique View b. Sampler 15 feet from east 

wall of basement, with 
holder at box level. 



House C, at 3021 Third Avenue South, is a completely insulated two 
story stucco building, equipped with storm windows of the aluminum 
type in the real-, and of the wooden frame type on the sides and front. 
A gas-fired, hot-water boiler is located in the basement. 



Dosages Obtained in House C * 



Release^ Outside Basement First Floor Second Floor 



FT 0008b ItUlO 390 1000 k93 lUl 160 83 117 



■H-Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter. Double 
entries for a given column represent incremental dosages ob- 
tained with sequentially exposed filter units. 

^"-Releases are listed only when positive counts were obtained 
outside. For the indicated release, Fig. B-19, Appendix B, 
shows the house in relation to the grid complex and the dosage 
pattern. 




Page 156 



M K&Jm. 

mtmm 




$ k , i 
if ^ i* s ! 



House D, at 2813 Fifth Avenue South, is a two story stucco frame struc- 
ture, equipped with storm windows of the wooden frame type. Its upper 
story and attic are completely insulated. A gas-fired, hot-water boiler 
is located in the basement. 



Dosages Obtained in House D* 



Release-::-* Outside 



Basement 



First Floor Second Floor 



FT 0009a 



79 0 



FT 0009b 393 T 



31 10 

39 8 



^Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e,, a count not exceeding 13 fluorescent 
particles. Double entries for a given column represent incre- 
mental dosages obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. 
When more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on 
separate lines. 

-*-*Releases are listed only when positive counts were obtained 
outside. For the indicated releases, Figs, B-23 and B-26, Ap- 
pendix B, show the house in relation to the grid complex and 
the dosage oattern. 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



Fig. V- 2? 



HOUSE E 




Oblique View 



Rear View 



House E, at 2625 Stevens Avenue South, is a two story wooden frame 
structure, equipped with storm windows of the wooden frame type. Its 
walls and attic are completely insulated. The first floor is heated 
by a coal f urnace located in the three-quarter basement; the heating 
system is of the hot-air gravity type. The second floor is heated by 
an oil-space heater located in the living room. 



Dosages Obtained in House E# 



Release-"-"- 


Outside 


Basement 


First 


Floor 


FT 0011a 


6U3 


3U1 


30 


302 


18 






28U 


12 






FT 0011b 


10 J 4.0 


U75 


11 


708 


32 






5o6 


1 h 






FT 0011c 


1970 


996 


25 


1060 


5U 






851 


U8 







Second Floor 



*Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter. Double 
entries for a given column represent incremental dosages ob- 
tained xrith sequentially exoosed filter units. When more than 
one sampler is involved, values are listed on separate lines. 

-^Releases are listed only when positive counts were obtained 
outside. For the indicated releases, Figs. B-UO, B-iil, and 
B-U2, Appendix B, show the house in relation to the grid com- 
plex and the dosage pattern. 






Page 158 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 



Test Number 



Sampler 


FT 0008a 


FT 0008b 


FT 0008c 


A 


T 




T 


50 




10U 


110 


B 




0 






T 




33 


C 




0 






0 




35 


D 


0 




T 


0 




33 


15 : 


E 


0 




T 


22 




89 


51 


F 


0 




0 


3 




14 


19 li 


G 


0 




0 


14 




Uo 


50 


H 


0 




0 


0 




8 


16 1 


I 




0 






16 




43 


J 


0 




0 


27 




5o 


5o 


K 




0 






33 




59 



*Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T represents 
trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent particles* 
Double entries for a given column represent incremental dosages 
obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. Sampling periods 
for a given release are listed in the respective isodosage charts 
appearing in Appendix B. 



LEGEND 

0 Outside sampler on ground 

^ Outside sampler on roof or with filter holder out of win- 
dow 

Q Inside sampler 



pojtf / of 3 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




par* 3 0 C 3 



TYPICAL SAMPLER IN CLASSROOM WITH 
FILTER HOLDER OUT OF WINDOW 



FIGURE 3Z1-28 

CLINTON SCHOOL SAMPLER 
ARRAY AND RESULTS 

FT 0008 

3 FEBRUARY 1953 

PAGE 159 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 



Test Number 



Sampler 


FT 0009a 


FT 0009b 


FT 0009c 


A 


11 


0 


136 


2 


117 


0 


B 


0 


0 


k 


2 


6 


6 


C 


0 


T 


3.6 


6 


3k 


12 


D 


0 


2 


13 


9 


35 


26 


E 


9 


0 


128 


0 


136 


T 


F 


2 


T 


2k 


5 


25 


7 


G 


0 


0 


60 


0 


202 


0 


H 


11 


0 


1U3 


0 


132 


0 


I 


T 


0 


13 


7 


29 


13 


J 


2 


0 


112 


0 


191 


0 


K 


k 


0 


13? 


0 


318 


0 



•^Dosages are expressed in particle -minutes per liter} T represents 
trace dosage, i.e,, a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent particles. 
Double entries for a given column represent incremental dosages 
obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. Sampling periods 
for a given release are listed in the respective isodosage charts 
appearing in Appendix B. 



LEGEND 

^ Outside sampler on ground 

^ Outside sampler on roof or with filter holder out of win- 
dow 

Q Inside sampler 



pcmf ( of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




TYPICAL SAMPLER IN CLASSROOM WITH 
FILTER HOLDER AT BOX LEVEL 




Figure 3z:-29 

CLINTON SCHOOL SAMPLER 
ARRAY AND RESULTS 

FT 0009 

7 FEBRUARY 1953 

Page 160 




pojf4 



3 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 



Test Number 



Sampler 


FT 0010a 


FT 0010b 


FT 0010c 


FT OOlOd 


A 


192 


96 


181 


223 


B 


51 


22 


23 


28 


C 


172 


30 


6 h 


3h 


D 


68 


33 


61 


38 


E 


82 


37 


3U 


Ul 


F 


51 


31 


51 


52 


G 


303 


61 


208 


163 


H 


61 


31 


kl 


31 


I 


7k 


21 


30 


25 


J 


2 hk 


32 


93 


93 


K 


129 


92 


2h7 


226 



^Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per literj T represents 
trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent particles. 
Double entries for a given column represent incremental dosages 
obtained with sequentially exposed filter units. Sampling periods 
for a given release are listed in the respective isodosage charts 
appearing in Appendix B. 



LEGEND 

Q Outside sampler on ground 

^ Outside sampler on roof or with filter holder out of win- 
dow 

O Inside sampler 



/ of 3 




CUKfcOOM 




pXT-f a 0>f 3 













REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




TYPICAL SAMPLER ON ROOF 




FIGURE 3C-30 

CLINTON SCHOOL SAMPLER 
ARRAY AND RESULTS 

FT OOIO 

11-12 FEBRUARY 1953 



Page 161 

3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 



Test Number 



Sampler 


FT 


0011a 


FT 


0011b 


FT 


0011c 


A 




8 






Ul 






0 


B 




u 






0 






12 


C 


T 




8 


6 




2 


19 




D 


3 




T 


23 




T 


7 




E 


k 




3 


19 




10 


5 




F 


8 




T 


111 




17 


19 




G 


11 




T 


31 




T 


T 




H 




M 






36 






7 


I 


3 




T 


5 




8 


4 




J 


6 




2 


6 




4 


2 




K 




7 






23 






h 


L 




11 






36 






T 



*Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per literj T represents 
trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 1? fluorescent particles j 
M indicates data missing or equipment malfunction,, Double entries 
for a given column represent incremental dosages obtained with se- 
quentially exposed filter units. Sampling periods for a given re- 
lease are listed in the respective isodosage charts appearing in 
Appendix B. 



LEGEND 

£ Outside sampler on ground 

^ Outside sampler on roof or with filter holder out of win- 
dow 

o Inside sampler 



fajJ- I of 3 




CLINTON SCHOOL, LOOKING NORTH 
FROM 29 th STREET 




FIGURE YrZ\ 



CLINTON SCHOOL SAMPLER 
ARRAY AND RESULTS 

FT OOII 

15 FEBRUARY 1953 

Page 162 

por4 3 3 






APPENDIX "A" 

Figure No,. Title Page No* 

A-l Temperature Soundings, Columbia Eaob, M-103,0 16U 

A-2 Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1010, 

2000 CST 16? 

A-3 Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1010, 

2100 CST 166 

A-l* Two Mater Air Temperature Survey, M-1010, 

2200 CST 167 

A-5 Temperature Soundings, Columbia Baob, M-1016 168 

A-6 Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1016, 

2100 CST 169 

A-7 Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1016, 

2200 CST ' 170 

A-8 ' Temperature Soundings, Columbia Eaob, M-1020 171 

A-9 Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1020, 

2100 CST 172 

A-10 Temperature Soundings, Columbia Eaob, M-1021* 173 

A-ll Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-1021*, 

2100 CST 171* 




Page 163 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1010, 5 December 1952 



Synoptic Situation 

No fronts had passed St. Louis within the previous 36 hours, and the closest 
frontal activity at survey time was warm frontogenesis occurring some 1*00 
miles to the west. A polar high-pressure cell of 1027 mb extended from 
western New Mexico to southeast Texas. A major low-pressure area of 996 mb 
was moving northeastward from the Great Lakes . Surface wind flow was south- 
west it-7 mph. Air flow at the 700-mb level was westerly at 1*0 mph. 



Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover 


Visibility 
(miles) Weather* 


Temp 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Airport 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


University 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 




Clear 


15 


1*6 


32 


W 


12 


- 


- 


1930 




Clear 


15 


1*5 


31 


W 


11 


NW 


7 


2030 




Clear 


15 


1*1* 


31 


w 


9 


NW 


h 


2130 




Clear 


15 


1*2 


31 


w 


5 


NW 


3 


2230 




Clear 


15 


Ui 


31 


w 


9 


- 


- 


2330 




Clear 


15 


1*0 


32 


wsw 


6 


- 


- 



* And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea-level pressure (Lambert Field, 2130 CST) : 1018.1 mb 
Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 





PART 2 of 3 








FIG. A- 2 

TWO METER AIR TEMPERATURE SURVEY 

M — 1010 2000 C ST 

5 DECEMBER 1952 



PART 3 of 3 



PAGE 165 








REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1010, 3 December 1932 



Synoptic Situation 

No fronts had passed St. Louis within the previous 36 hours, and the closest 
frontal activity at survey time was warm frontogenesis occurring some UOO 
miles to the west. A polar high-pressure cell of 102? mb extended from 
western New Mexico to southeast Texas. A major low-pressure area of 996 mb 
was moving northeastward from the Great Lakes. Surface wind flow was south- 
west h-1 mph. Air flow at the 700-mb level was westerly at 1*0 mph. 



Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Time 


Cloud 

Height 


Sky 


Visibility 


Temp 


Dew 


Wind 

Airport 

Speed 


University 

Speed 


CST 


(feet) 


Cover 


(miles) Weather* 


(°F) 


Point 


Dir 


(mph) 


Dir (mph) 


1830 




Clear 


19 


U6 


32 


W 


12 


- 


1930 




Clear 


13 


hS 


31 


W 


11 


NW 7 


2030 




Clear 


13 


Ui* 


31 


w 


9 


NW 1* 


2130 




Clear 


13 


U2 


31 


w 


3 


NW 3 


2230 




Clear 


13 


hi 


31 


w 


9 


- 


2330 




Clear 


13 


ho 


32 


wsw 


6 


- 


* And/or restriction to visibility 
Sea-level pressure (Lambert Field, 2130 CST) 


: 1018.1 mb 









Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J0D,DP G|1 






TWO METER AIR TEMPERATURE SURVEY 



M — 1010 
5 



PART 



2100 CST 
DECEMBER 1952 



3 of 3 



PAGE 166 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1010, 5 December 1952 



Synoptic Situation 

No fronts had passed St. Louis within the previous 36 hours, and the closest 
frontal activity at survey time was warm frontogenesis occurring some 1;00 
miles to the west. A polar high-pressure cell of 1027 mb extended from 
western New Mexico to southeast Texas. A major low-pressure area of 996 mb 
was moving northeastward from the Great Lakes. Surface wind flow was south- 
west k-1 mph. Air flow at the 700-mb level was westerly at UO mph. 



Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover 


Visibility 
(miles) Weather* 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Airport 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


University 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 




Clear 


15 


k6 


32 


W 


12 


- 


- 


1930 




Clear 


15 


U5 


31 


W 


11 


NW 


7 


2030 




Clear 


15 


iuU 


31 


w 


9 


NW 


il 


2130 




Clear 


15 


1*2 


31 


w 


5 


NW 


3 


2230 




Clear 


15 


la 


31 


w 


9 


- 


- 


2330 




Clear 


15 


Uo 


32 


wsw 


6 


- 


- 



* And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea-level pressure (Lambert Field, 2130 CST) : 1018.1 mb 
Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 





FIG. A-4 

ER AIR TEMPERATURE SURVEY 

A— 1010 2200 C ST 

5 DECEMBER 1952 



PAGE 167 



PART 3 of 3 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1016, 16 December 1952 



Synoptic Situation 



A weak cold front oriented ENE-WSW was located approximately 300 miles to 
the north of St. Louis. This front was moving slowly southward and did not 
pass St. Louis until late the next day. A very weak warm front was approach- 
ing the station from the west and undergoing frontolysis. North of Edmonton 
a continental high-pressure cell of 103U mb was centered and to the south 
of Mobile lay a maritime high of 1026 mb. A weak and inactive low of 1010 mb 
was located over northern Texas. Surface wind flow was generally south- 
southwest from 8-12 mph. At the 700 mb level the air flow was westerly at 
20 mph. 

Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Time 


Cloud Ht. 


Sky 


Visibility 




Temp 


Dew 


CST 


(feet) 


Cover 


(miles) 


Weather* 


(°F) 


Point 


1830 




Clear 


10 






30 


1930 




Clear 


8 




16 


31 


2030 




Clear 


5 


Smoke 


b2 


30 


2130 




Clear 


5 


Smoke 


k2 


30 


2230 




Clear 


6 


Smoke 


39 


29 


2330 




Clear 


10 




39 


27 


Wind 


Direction and 


Speed (mph) 










Federal 


Lambert 


St. Louis Special 


Observation 


Time 


Building 


Field 


University 1200 ft, 


, S. Eads Brie 


CST 


(303 ft) 


(59 ft) 


(Rooftop) 


(U ft) 




1830 




s k 










1900 




s h 










1930 




S h 


SE 2 








2000 




s 5 


S 3 








2030 




s 5 


S 3 








2100 


SW 18 


S 6 


SSW 3 




SSW 


2 


2130 




S 8 


S 3 








2200 


SW 20 


S 6 


SSW 3 




SW 


5 


2230 




S 7 










2300 


SW 20 


S 8 










* And/or restriction to visibility 









Sea level pressure (Lambert Field 2130 CST) : 1017. i* mb 
Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 





PART 2 of 3 








FIG. A-6 

TWO METER AIR TEMPERATURE SURVEY 

M-IOI6 2100 C ST 

16 DECEMBER 1952 



PAGE 169 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1016, 16 December 1952 



Synoptic Situation 



A weak cold front oriented ENE-WSW was located approximately 300 miles to 
the north of St. Louis. This front was moving slowly southward and did not 
pass St. Louis until late the next day, A very weak warm front was approach- 
ing the station from the west and undergoing frontolysis. North of Edmonton 
a continental high-pressure cell of 103^ mb was centered and to the south 
of Mobile lay a maritime high of 1026 mb. A weak and inactive low of 1010 mb 
was located over northern Texas. Surface wind flow was generally south- 
southwest from 8-12 mph. At the 700 mb level the air flow was westerly at 
20 mph. 



Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud Ht. 
(feet) 


Sky 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


• Weather* 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


1830 




Clear 


10 




1*5 


30 


1930 




Clear 


8 




U5 


31 


2030 




Clear 


5 


Smoke 


1*2 


30 


2130 




Clear 


5 


Smoke 


h2 


30 


2230 




Clear 


6 


Smoke 


39 


29 


2330 




Clear 


10 




39 


27 



Wind Direction and Speed (mph) 





Federal 


Lambert 


St. Louis 


Special Observation 


Time 


Building 


Field 


University 


1200 ft. S. Eads Br: 


CST 


(303 ft) 


(59 ft) 


(Rooftop) 


(1* ft) 


1830 






S 


1* 








1900 






s 


b 








1930 






s 


b 


SE 


2 




2000 






s 


5 


S 


3 




2030 






s 


5 


S 


3 




2100 


SW 


18 


s 


6 


SSW 


3 


SSW 2 


2130 






s 


8 


S 


3 




2200 


SW 


20 


s 


6 


SSW 


3 


sw 5 


2230 






s 


7 








2300 


SW 


20 


s 


8 








* And/o: 


r restriction 


to 


visibility 







Sea level pressure (Lambert Field 2130 CST) : 1017. U mb 
Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 




^regr^iTdnclassified - jod,dpg 










REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1020, 8 January 1953 



Synoptic Situation 

An active front existed approximately 300 miles to the east of St. Louis 
with a 1000 mb low center in southern Alabama and the system was moving 
eastward. Considerable post-frontal weather observed throughout Illinois 
and Missouri was associated with an upper trough over this area. A Great 
Basin high-pressure cell of 1037 mb was located just southeast of Suit 
Lake. Surface wind flow was north 8-12 mph while at 700 mb the air flow 
was northwesterly at 25 mph. 

Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Wind 



Time 

GST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Temp 

Weather** (°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Airport 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


University 
Speed! 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


1*00 


Over- 

cast 


1 1/2 


Freezing, 
drizzle 
and fog 


29 


28 


NW 


9 


_ 


1930 


U00 


ft 


1 1/2 


ft 


29 


28 


NW 


9 


NW 


6 


2030 


Uoo 


!f 


1 1/2 


n 


29 


28 


NW 


7 


NNW 


6 


2130 


300 


It 


1 1/2 


it 


29 


29 


NW 


8 


NNW 


k 


2230 


300 


ft 


1 1/2 


tt 


29 


29 


NW 


7 


- 


2330 


300 


It 


1 


Tt 


30 


29 


NW 


10 


- 



^Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset (Lambert Field): 100^ 

**And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea level pressure (Lambert Field 2130 CST): 101U.U mb 

Ground condition: Snow and ice on ground. Lakes in Forest Park frozen. 

Tree Cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 





part 2 of 3 








REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Survey M-1021*, 5 March 1953 



Synoptic Situation ; 

Just north of St. Louis a weak stationary front was oriented east-west. 
Nearly clear skies prevailed to the south of the front, while light 3now 
was falling from 100 - 200 miles to the north. High pressure dominated 
the Southeastern U.S. with central pressure of 1027 mb in the vicinity 
of Montgomery. An inactive low of 1015 mb was located over northern 
Texas. A strong polar high of 1036 mb was pushing southward through the 
Dakotas. Surface wind flow at St. Louis was west-southwest 8-12 mph. 
Wind flow at 700 mb was westerly at 1*5 mph. 

Weather Reports from Lambert Field (St. Louis Airport) 



Wind 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Airport 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


University 
Speed ' 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


12000 


Scattered 1* 


Smoke 


1*8 


35 


ESE 


8 


- 


- 


1930 




Clear 


5 


Smoke 


1*7 


36 


SE 


8 


SW 


7 


2030 




Clear 


6 


Smoke 


1*6 


36 


SE 


7 


s 


2 


2130 




Clear 


8 




1*7 


35 


S 


9 


SW 


3 


2230 




Clear 


8 




1*6 


31* 


w 


8 


- 


- 


2330 




Clear 


10 




1*3 


31* 


w 


9 


- 


- 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset (Lambert Field) 
** And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea level pressure (Lambert Field 2130 CST) : 1018.1 mb 
Ground Condition: Bare and dry 

Tree cover: Bare 



PART 1 of 3 





PART 3 of 3 








Figure Ho. 
B-l 



B-2 



B-3 



B-U 

B-5 

B-6 



B-7 

B-8 

B-9 

B-10 

B-ll 

B-12 

B-13 



B-lU 



B-1S 

B-16 

B-17 

B-18 

B-19 

B-20 



FIELD TEST 0003 19 January 1903 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-3 5» and Sum- 



mary of Regional and Local Weather 177 

Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-35 178 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wiresonde, M-35 179 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 0003 180 

Test Array and Results, FT 0003a 181 

Test Array and Results, FT 0003b 182 



FIELD TEST OOOlj 21 January 1953 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-36, and Sum- 



mary of Regional and Local Weather 183 

Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-36 18U 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wiresonde, M-36 185 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 000k 186 

Test Array and Results, FT OOOUa 187 

Test Array and Results, FT OOOhb 188 

Test Array and Results, FT OOOUc 189 



FIELD TEST 0008 3 February 1953= 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-i;3* and Sum- 



mary of Regional and Local Weather 190 

Temperature Soundings, St. Gloud Raob, M-43 191 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wiresonde, M-U3 192 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 0008 193 

Test Array and Results, FT 0008a 19U 

Test Array and Results, FT 0008b 195 

Test Array and Results, FT 0008e 196 



Page 175 






Figure No. 
' B-21 



B-22 

B-23 

B-21* 

B-25 

B-26 

B-27 



B-28 



B-29 



B-30 



B-31 

B-32 

B-33 

B-3k 

B-35 



B-36 



B-37 

B-38 

B-39 

B-liO 

B-I 4 X 

B-U2 



.REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG. 



FIELD TEST 




February 19$ 3 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-U6, and Sum- 
mary of Regional and Local Weather 

Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-U6 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wires onde, M-i|6 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 000 9 
Test Array and Results, FT 0009a 
Test Array and Results, FT 0009b 
Test Array and Results, FT 0009c 



FIELD TEST 0010 11-12 February 1953 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-U7 , and Sum- 
mary of Regional and Local Weather 

Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-U7 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wiresonde, M-U7 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 0010 
Test Array and Results, FT 0010a 
Test Array and Results, FT 0010b 
Test Array and Results, FT 0010c 
Test Array and Results, FT OOlOd 

FIELD TEST 0011 15 February 1933 

Two Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-U9, and Sum- 
mary of Regional and Local Weather 

Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-l*9 

Temperature Soundings, Minneapolis Residential 
Wiresonde, K-h9 

Dosage-Area Relationship, FT 0011 
Test Array and Results, FT 0011a 
Test Array and Results, FT 0011b 
Test Array and Results, FT 0011c 



197 

198 

199 

200 
201 
202 
203 



20U 

20 £ 



206 

207 

208 

209 

210 
211 

212 

213 

21 1 * 
235 
216 



217 

218 

Page 176 





REGRADED^ D NCLifl^S IFIED - JOD.DPG 
















REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
FT 0003 Survey M-33 19 Jan 1933 



Synoptic Situation 

A cold front lay some ij.00 miles to the south of Minneapolis through 
southern Missouri and Indiana. Snow flurries had occurred at Minnea- 
polis and surroundings several hours before test time. An artic high 
cell of 1023 mb was centered approximately 4 00 miles to the northeast 
of International Falls. The nearest major low pressure area was inac- 
tive. It was located in eastern Texas with central pressure of 1006 mb. 
Surface wind flow was northerly at 8 to 12 mph. The air flow at the 
700 mb level was from the west-northwest at 33 mph. 



Weather Reports from Wold Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


2100 


Over- 

cast 


7 


19 


lii 


N 


10 


1930 


1900 


Over- 

cast 


10 


18 


13 


N 


10 


2030 


1600 


Over- 

cast 


10 


18 


13 


N 


10 


2130 


1300 


Over- 

cast 


10 


18 


12 


N 


8 


2230 


1600 


Over- 

cast 


10 


18 


12 


NNE 


8 


2330 


1300 


Over- 

cast 


12 


18 


12 


NNE 


10 



Sea level pressure at 2130 CST: 10l8 o 6 mb 

Ground condition: Complete coverage 6" snow pack Lakes frozen with snow 

cover 

Tree cover: None 

* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 100$ 

#* and/or restrictions to visibility 



PART 3 of 3 




FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




■■■■■■ ■■■linaB 

wSSSBmMmumsms 



TEMPERATURE °F 



19 20 



DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



2000 CST 
2100 CST 



FIGURE B-3 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M-35 19 JAN. 1953 



PAGE 179 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 7.7 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2032 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point *• 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment located at 1*0 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
9 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

O Iidoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. 



METEOROLOGY 



58 



Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T = trace dosage 
M - malfunction or data missing 




Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle -minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperature?, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as ^l) and (M2) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wiresonds ascents made at meteorological 
station (m|) . 

2105 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of 

^ ~~~~ each arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times 

2100 „ indicated. 

2110 

211*5 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 

Estimated roof -level winds westerly at 2-3 mph; street-level winds northwesterly at 2.2 mph. 
Stability 

2.2* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

Overcast low clouds with base 1600 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 

18“ F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 1.7 gn/kgm dry air. 



PART 1 of 3 





PART 3 of 3 







REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 

AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 6.9 gins of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2125 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point }/jfa . 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at IjO stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note, 
o indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 
All samplers 



operated to measure total dosages. 

Total Dosage (particle -minutes per liter) 



58 ' 



T “ trace do3age 
M » malfunction or data missing 



METEOROLOGY 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle -minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wiresonde ascents made at meteorological 
station (Mj) . 




Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



MW Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 

Winds 

Estimated roof -level winds westerly at 2-3 mph; street-level winds northwesterly at 1.2 mph. 
Stability 

2.1* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

Overcast low clouds with base 1600 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 

18° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of. 1.7 gm/kgm dry air. 



PART 1 of 3 




gEGRADED DECLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




CL IN TOM SCHOOL - 



i L i L J ! 



JL JL. 




JULIJ 



J I I 





ii — — 

i! i 

<i ! 



n m r 



JLJUL 





in r i m 










i rnlcn] erne 

i ii nnhlf 



n nr 



JU l_I 



”~n i 

!!!! : 



! ! 

Will 

- in r 

i 

UMl 



mimmTi 



l : 

Ju 





i ! 
JUU 







nr m r 

i , 



ILUL 



imUUUULlJUUULLJJLJ ... 

irnmmrnmmi if inr 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




jLiULlUL 
in nn nr 



JhUUM 



\i 






DULL 

mrr 



Figure B-6 
Array and Results 

r 0003b 2135 CST 
JANUARY 19,1953 



PAGE 182 







^^L^ED^Cl^XFl iD^ JOD , DPG i 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
FT OOOi; Survey M -36 21 Jan 1953 



Synoptic Situation 

A weak semi-stationary front was oriented northeast - southwest just to 
the west of Minneapolis. Thi3 front was associated with a 1000 mb low 
center over northwestern Texas. Snow flurries generally accompanied 
this front* Surface flow was easterly at 8 to 12 mph. Air flow at 700 
mb was southwesterly at 15 to 20 mph. 



Weather Reports from Wold-Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


1200 


Over- 

cast 


3 


Fog 


30 


28 


ESE 


6 


1930 


1500 


Over- 

cast 


5 


Fog 


30 


29 


E 


11 


2030 


1500 


Brok- 

en 


5 


Fog 


31 


29 


ESE 


11 


2130 


1300 


Scat- 

tered 


5 


Fog 


31 


29 


ESE 


u 


2230 


1300 


Scat- 

tered 


6 


Fog 


30 


29 


ESE 


9 



Sea level pressure at 2130 CST: 1013*9 mb 

Ground condition: 6" snow pack Ice and dirty snow on streets Lakes 

frozen and snow covered 

Tree cover : None 

# Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 100^ 

** and/or restriction to visibility 



PART 3 of 3 




FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



REGRADE!) UNCLASSIFIED - .TOD,DPG 



— 




27 28 29 30 31 32 33 

TEMPERATURE °F 



DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



2009 CST 
210 0 CST 



FIGURE B-9 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M-36 21 JAN. 1953 



Page 185 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 
















REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 5.8 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2010 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point * • 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 52 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
Q Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. 




Total Dosage (particle -minutes per liter) 

T “ trace dosage 
M = malfunction or data missing 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle -minutes per liter. 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surf ace temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (JJJ) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above_^urface, at SW corner of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (nj) 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2105 



2100 



2110 



21U5 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 

Roof-level winds easterly at 1*.5 mph; street-level winds easterly at 2.0 mph. 

Stability 

1.1* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

The low overcast at 1930 CST, with base near 1500 ft above surface, became broken at 203.0 CST, then 
scattered at 2130 CST. A broken -to -overcast middle cloud deck with base 7,000 to 9,000 ft above the 
surface persisted throughout the sampling period. 

Temperature 

31* F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 3.k gm/kgm dry air. 



PART 1 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 6.7 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2123 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point . 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 52 stations ;is shown on test-array map by following symbols 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note, 

O Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. 

Total Dosage (particle -minutes per liter) 



58 



T 

M 



trace dosage 

malfunction or data missing 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in particle -minutes 
per liter. 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temper atures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) . 



Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet abovesurf ace, at SW corner of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (Jlj) 



2105 



2100 



2X1^ 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2ll*5 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 

Roof-level winds easterly at it. 5 mph; street-level winds easterly at 0.9 mph. 

Stability 

1.2' F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

The low overcast at 1930 CST, with base near 1500 ft above surface, became broken at 2030 CST, then 
scattered at 2130 CST. A broken-to-overca3t middle cloud (Seek with base 7,000 to 9,000 ft above the 
surface persisted throughout the sampling period. 

Temperature 

31° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 3,k gm/kgm dry air. 



PART 1 of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 9.1 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 22ii3 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point |J| . 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

tfembrane-filter sampling equipment located at 52 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 
Indoor sampler at location indicated by te3t-array map or text. 



Q 

O 



Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. 

Total Dosage (particle -minutes per liter) 
T = trace dosage 

0 58 M ■ malfunction or data missing 



METEOROLOGY 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) , 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above-surface, at SW corner of the school building) and 

meteorological station (M3) . 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



wiresonde ascents made at 

2105 



2100 



2 if?) 



21U5 



Winds 

Roof -level winds easterly at 7.5 mph; street-level winds easterly at 1,0 mph. 

Stability 

1.1* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

The low overcast at 1930 CST, with base near 1500 ft above surface, became broken at 2030 CST, then 
scattered at 2130 CST. A broken-to-overcast middle cloud deck with base 7,000 to 9,000 ft above the 
surface persisted throughout the sampling period. 

Temperature 

31° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 



Mixing ratio of 3.h gm/kgm dry air 



fXx/cf ( of 3 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 







MG^Wd UNCLASSIFIED -Tj 01), DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL V.’EATHER 
FT 0008 Surrey M-li3 3 Feb 1933 



S ynoptic Situation 

A cold front had passed Minneapolis on the previous day leaving 2\ inches 
of fresh snow. A warm front was located about 300 miles to the west. A 
1011 mb low cell was located north of the Great Lakes. A weak high cell 
with pressure 1021 mb was centered over northwestern Illinois. Surlace 
wind flow was southeasterly 2 to 3 mph. Air flow at 700 mb was from the 
west-northwest at 30 mph. 



Weather reports from Wold-Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis^ 





Cloud 


Time 


Height 


CST 


(feet) 


1830 




1930 




2030 




2130 




2230 




2330 




0030 





Wind 



Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Dir 


“Speed 

(mph) 


Clear 


12 




27 


22 


S 


3 


Clear 


12 




2U 


21 


ESE 


3 


Clear 


12 




22 


19 


SE 


h 

3 

h 


Clear 


7 




21 


18 


SSE 


Clear 


4 


Ground Fog 


20 


18 


SE 


Clear 


Ground Fog 


18 


17 


S 


2 


Obs- 

cured 


Ice Fog 


16 


1 h 


SSE 


3 



Sea level pressure at 2130 CST: 1017.6 

Ground condition: 3" packed snow Side streets slippery 

frozen 

Tree cover: none 

* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 80% 

)hs- and/or restrictions to visibility 



Lakes were 



PART 3 of 3 




FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



? SB 

L MSB/ 




■■Rill 

■■Kill 

■■■91 

naRi 

■■kill 

■■MR 











































































































































































! \ 




































\ J 


| 










. A 


Vj 










j ft 


\ 












: \ 












j ^ 










Lq 




\ 








K | 




X 








I''..!/ 


J 








■L.L 












r>] 


/ 










tx 












Mi 












!f j 












/ 1 1 










J j 












; j 












j 1 












: L 












: j 










__ 



20 21 22 23 24 25 27 

TEMPERATURE °F 

A 2000 CST 

A 2100 CST 

A 2200 CST 

A 2300 CST 



DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



FIGURE B- 16 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M-43 3 FEB. 1953 



Page 192 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES# 

FT 0008a 3 February 1953 

RESIDENCES#* 

House Outside Basement First Floor Second Floor 

A 15 8 OT TO 00 

CLINTON SCHOOL*## 

Ground Ground Floor F irst Flo or Second Floor Roof 
Outside T T 0 T 

Inside 0 T 0 0 

0 
0 



0 0 

0 0 
0 



0 0 
0 



# Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

*# Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs. V-23 through V-27 ) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house. 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



Part 1 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOn.DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 8.1 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2006 CST from a vehicle' 
mounted blower disperser located at point * 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 92 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by teat-- '-ray map or text. 

Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 

Sampling Period Increment Dosage Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

fc/ T 



2000-2045 CST 50 ^ T - trace dosage 

2100-2115 CST 8 0 58 M « malfunction or data missing 

Since sampling period was not continuous, the actual total dosage in some cases is probably more than 
indicated. 



METEOROLOGY 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (M^ and (£2) . 



Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above^surf ace , at SW corner of school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station ^3) . 



2105 



SlOO 



2lifr 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2145 

-iX 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the indicated time. 



Hinds 

Roof -level winds east-southeasterly at 0.5 mph; street-level winds southeasterly at 1.0 mph. 
Stability 

1.8* F inversion from 6-300 ft. 



Sky 

Clear; ground fog, which was forming about 2200 CST, changed to ice fog and obscured sky from view at 
approximately 0000 CST. 

Temperature 

21-24° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2.1 gra/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 




SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT 0008b 3 February 1953 



RESIDENCES** 



House 


Outside 


Basement First Floor 


Second Floor 


A 


26 152 


3 


17 


0 


3 


B 


17 no 


3 31 3 


5 


0 


3 


C 


UUlO 390 


1000 b93 liil 


160 


83 


117 






CLINTON SCHOOL*** 










Ground Ground Floor First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


50 loll. 


22 89 


Hi 


iiO 


27 50 


Inside 




T 3 Ht 


0 


8 


33 



0 16 



0 33 



* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per literj T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one ampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially exposed 
filter units. 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs. V-23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house. 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 

V-28 through V-31. 



Part 1 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JO ) , bPG| 



AEROSOL GENERATION 



Point-source release of 5.0 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period 
mounted blower disperser located at point . 



of 



5 minutes starting at 2134 CST from a vehicle- 



SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 



Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 92 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and fi feet. 



Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 
O Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 



iicr!^tallv° P !« a ^o t0 . rae ** ure to * al dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
of the station symbol Y sam P lin g P eriod and th <= corresponding increment dosage given to the left 



Sampling Period 

2130-2215 CST 
2230-2245 CST 



Increment Dosage 




58 



Tota] Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T ■= trace dosage 

>! - malfunction or data missing 



indicatSl! ling Peri ° d ” 0t C0ntinu0us ’ the actt,al toU1 dosa ge in some cases is probably more than 



METEOROLOGY 




100 



Dosage contour vi th values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as 0) and (M2) 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet abovt surf ace, at SW corner of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (M3) 



2100 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 

2110 



2145 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 



Roof -level winds ea3t-southerly at 1,2 mph; street-level v.-inds southerly at 0.5 mph. 
Stability 

3.0° F inversion from 6-300 ft. 



Sk£ 

Clear; ground fog, which was forming about 2200 CST, changed to ice fog and obscured skv from view at 
approximately 0000 CST. 

Temperature 

21-24° F at 2 meters in the te3t area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2.1 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JO&.DPG 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAffiS# 
FT 0008c-*# 3 February 1953 





Ground 


Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


110 7 




$1 T 


5o 


T 


50 T 














59 


Inside 




35 3 


19 12 


16 


8 








33 






k3 








35 











* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 35 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

The sampler array for this and other tests is found In Figs, 
V-28 through V-31. 



Part 1 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JO ),i)PG, 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 7.4 gas of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2304 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point MR . 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 92 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below gene, al terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling period 

2300-2345 CST 
2400-0015 CST 



Increment Dosage 




50 

8 



58 



Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T * trace dosage 
M *= mall function or data missing 



Since sampling period was not continuous, the actual total dosage in some cases is probably more than 
indicated. 



METEOROLOGY 




Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air a;>d surf ape temperatures , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (m2) 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface, at SH corner of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (M3) 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to nap scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



.2105 



. V 



2100 



2110 



2145 



Hinds 

Roof -level winds southeasterly at 1.9 mphj street-level winds southerly at 0.5 mph. 

Stability 

3,8“ F inversion from 6-300 ft. 

Skjr 

Clear j ground fog, which was forming about 2200 CST, changed to ice fog and obscured sky from view at 
approximately 0000 CST. 

Temperature 

21-24“ F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2,1 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 




REGRADED mXMMMWim 






REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - Jo 




|>frueoooefc 





mmm mmm, 




j||jjj§j 











part 1 o£ 3 














REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
FT 000? Survey M— U6 9 Feb 1933 



Synoptic Situation 

A warm front through southern Iowa associated with a 1019 mb low center 
near Omaha was moving toward Minneapolis. Light snow was occurring far 
ahead of this system and reached Minneapolis at the end of the test, A 
10U6 mb high was located over 300 miles northeast of International Falls. 
Surface wind flow was easterly 18 mph. Air flow at the 700 mb level was 
south-southwesterly at 1|2 mph. 



Weather reports from Wold-Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis) 



Cloud 
Time Height 
CST (feet) 


Sky* 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


3800 


Brok- 

en 


13 


None 


26 


16 


ENE 


1U 


1930 


1:000 


Scat- 

tered 


13 


None 


26 


16 


ENE 


16 


2030 


1:000 


Scat- 

tered 


13 


None 


27 


18 


ENE 


17 


2130 


3600 


Over- 

cast 


13 


None 


27 


17 


E 


18 


2230 


3600 


Over- 

cast 


13 


Light Snow 


’27 


19 


E 


18 


2330 


Uooo 


Over- 

cast 


. 13 


None 


28 


18 


e' 


19 


0030 


2200 


Obs- 

cured 


3 


Light Snow 


27 


18 


E 


23 



Sea level pressure at 2130 CST: 1033 ° 2 mb 

Ground condition: 3" to U" packed snow Main streets clear Secondary 

Streets 2" packed snow and ice Lakes were frozen 

Tree cover : None 

Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 10($ 

## and/or restrictions to visibility 



PART 3 of 3 




FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOO.DPGj. 



StJ&ifc-- ■ • 





24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 

TEMPERATURE °F 

A 2000 CST 

A 2100 CST 

A - 2200 CST 

A 2300 CST 



DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



FIGURE B-23 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M-46 9 FEB. 1953 



PAGE 199 





Page 200 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT 0009a 9 February 19? 3 



House Outsid e 

D 79 0 



RESIDENCES** 

Basement First Floor Second Floor 

12 2 13 9 

5 5 



CLINTON SCHOOL*** 

Ground Ground Floor F irst Floor Second Floor Roof 
Outside 11 0 9 0 11 0 2 0 

U 0 



Inside 



0 2 2 T 0 0 

0 T TO 

0 0 



* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i,e., a count not exceeding 1? fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units, 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs, V-23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house, 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs, 
V-28 through ¥-31, 



P<3 r4: I 0f~ q. 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD , DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 12.2 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of !) minuses starting at 2017 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser at point . 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 93 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
£ Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below ger.oral terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the let t 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 

2000-2045 CST 
2045-2115 CST 



Increment Dosage 



58 



Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T - trace dosage 
M “ malfunction or data missing 




Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) . 

Similar observations attempted at rooftop level (35 feet above surface, at NE corner of school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (kj) . (No wind data obtained because of recorder mal- 
funct ion.) 



^2105 



2100 



2110 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2145 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Hinds 

Winds at treetop level estimated northeast to easterly at 15-20 mphj street-level winds northeasterly 
at 5 aph. 

Stability 

1.4° F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Low scattered clouds at 2000 CST, with base about 4000 ft. above the surface, became overcast at 2130 CST 
A middle deck with bases 9,000 to 11,000 ft. above the surface persisted throughout the test period. 

Temperature 

27-28“ F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2.1 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD , DPG 




SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 

FT 0009b 9 February 1953 

RESIDENCES** 

House Outside Basement First Floor Second Floor 

D 395 T 31 10 52 13 

39 8 

CLINTON SCHOOL*** 

Ground Ground Floor First Floor Second Floor Roof 
Outside 136 2 128 0 60 0 112 0 

1U3 o' 135 0 

Inside U 2 2k 5 13 7 

16 6 
13 9 



* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler Is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs. V-23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that houseo 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



pari I 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - " JOI) , DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 12.3 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2135 CST from a roof- 
mounted blower disperser (35 ft. above street level) located at point ^ • 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 93 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

0 Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 

2130-2215 CST 
2215-2245 CST 



Increment Dosage 




58 



Total Dosage ( particle-minutes pear liter) 

T - trace dosage 
M »• malfunction or data missing 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 

METEOROLOGY 

Equipment and Measurement 




100 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surfape temperatures , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (mJ) and 

Similar observations attempted at rooftop level (35 feet, above surface, at NE corner of school building) 
and wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (M3) , (No wind data obtained because of recorder 

malfunction.) 



.2105 



Sfoo 



S > 



211 & 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between times indicated. 



2145 



A. 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Minds 

Minds at treetop level estimated northeast to easterly at 15-20 mph; street-level winds northeasterly 
at 5 nq>h. 

Stability 

1.9* F lapse from 6-300 feet. 

Sky 

Low scattered clouds at 2000 CST, with base about 4000 ft. above the surface, became overcast at 2130 CST. 
A middle deck with bases 9,000 to 11,000 ft. above the surface persisted throughout the test period. 

Temperature 

27-28* F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2.1 gra/kgm. dry air. 



Par t 2 of 4 





j4M4f44i 

| 1 ||| 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT 0009c** 9 February 1933 





Ground 


Ground 


Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


117 0 






136 T 


202 


0 


191 0 












132 


0 


318 0 


Inside 




3k 


12 


23 7 


29 


13 





6 6 

33 26 



* Dosages are expressed in particle -minutes per liter j T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e„, a count not exceeding 13 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines 0 Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31« 



9 ^ 4 - 



po> r L ' 




— ; . . ■ ■ ■ ~ — t — L: 1 - ,-^“<x l ^S3S a T»i>.i«Jii«»w»;«aurAH5sr7 

REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPGi« 

AEROSOL GENERATION 



Point-source release of 12,0 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2305 CST from a vehicle- 
counted blower disperser located at point , 



SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sailing equipment located at 93 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols* 



^ Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 



© 

O 



Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 
Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. j 



Sampling Period 

2300-2345 CST 
2345-0015 CST 



Increment Dosage 




58 



Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T - trace dosage 
M - malfunction or data missing 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. I 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surf ape temperatures , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (fil) and (MZ) 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface, at NE corner of school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (M3) 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction 
of each arrow representing the virtual wind travel between indicated times. 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



2105 




2145 



Winds 

Roof -level winds northeasterly at 10 mph; street-level winds east-northeasterly at 6.5 mph , 

Stability 

1.9- F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

Low scattered clouds at 2000 CST, with base about 4000 ft. above the surface, became overcast at 2130 CST. 
A middle deck with bases 9,000 to 11,000 ft. above the surface persisted throughout the test period. 

Temperature 

27-28* F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 2.1 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 








mcmm 






REGRADK1) UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND . LOCAL WEATHER 
FT 0010 Survey M-U7 11-12 Feb 15*53 



Synoptic Situation 

A cold front had passed Minneapolis the night before leaving a U" layer 
of snow. Another cold front was approaching from the northwest. This 
front did not pass the station until well after this test. Surface 
wi nd s were generally from the northwest at 8 to 12 mph. 700 mb air flow 
was from the northwest at 25 mph. 



Weather Reports from Wold Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis^ 





Cloud 




Time 


Height 


Skyx 


CST 


(feet) 


Cover 


2230 




Clear 


2330 




Clear 


0030 




Clear 


0130 




Clear 


0230 




Clear 


0330 


9000 


Scat- 

tered 


0U30 


3100 


Over- 

cast 


0530 


3000 


Over- 

cast 


0630 


3300 


Over- 

cast 



Visibility 

(miles) Weather **- 



15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 

15+ 



Wind 



Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Dir 


Speed 

(rcP h ) 


22 


19 


WNW 


10 


20 


16 


W 


7 


19 


15 


NW 


9 


19 


15 


NW 


8 


18 


Hi 


WNW 


7 


18 


lit 


NW 


10 


20 


17 


NW 


11 


20 


17 


WNW 


8 


21 


18 


WNW 


11 



Sea level pressure at 0230 OST: 1015.6 mb 

Ground condition: Packed snow with layer fresh snow on top Lakes were 

frozen 

Tree cover: None 

* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 100$ 

x-s:- and/or restrictions to visibility 



PART 3 of 3 




FIGURE B-29 








TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
ST CLOUD RAOB II FEB 1953 

WINDS ALOFT (SUPPLEMENTAL TO SURVEY M-47) 

ST CLOUD 
II FEB 1953 
2100 CST 




q ] j i f / ’•■4. \ J 

0° 5 a S0° 15“ 20° 25* 30° 

TEMPERATURE *F 




PAGE 205 




FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



sssssssssss 



ii 


■ 


■ 


iilai 


■■■■ 

wmuu 


rninaj 

BBIS! 
































: i 








! i 








;> > 


7 




A 


< { 




J 


4 


v •• ' 




t\ 












\ 




\ 




> 














r 










, x 












, 7 - 




1 



m 



tmn, 



mss 

IsiSai 



17 18 19 20 21 22 

TEMPERATURE °F 

2200 CST 

2300 CST 



DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



0300 CST 



FIGURE B-30 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M -47 II FEB. 1953 



Page 206 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 









nrt~^i=F“ 



S iEcy' f r B Bit- 

:: .: rnft z EjE ztz z =E ±t 
-j-f4--i- -TH— - j -+F 

i : unr jjjjl ' u. 

p | ; ] | j 

^ ^ _]_! | * 

i I i ; ""i i 



Dosage-Area Relationship For FT 0010 

- FT 0010a 

— oo oo— FX 0010b 

— «•— ••— FT 0010c 

— FT OOlOd 



H-l-HiH- 



_ EBBBBB 3 SB B BBW 1 I 

iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiSiiiiiiiiiiiii 






: 3rpi=t LGurr 3 



sS55=s3E55==Eji=;s| 






iiliiiiiipi 

zB: 

H -r rtfo- t r ~ tIt tt 4 - 



ttnffinwm 



9 • 

8 : 

f ==H£ = r : 






. ■ -■! t ■ ' — 






4 d^EE: 



::■■■ :R'. I ; 






BSiSieiaiiaHa aiSia 

iiiSSiSSSlinSinSiiSnl 









~i r i "T ” ” 71 IT n' L T; L 



iESSBSl 





REGRADED UNCI.ASSTFJ KI) - JOD,DPG 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT OOlOa** 12 February 1953 





Ground 


Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


192 






303 


2UU 












129 


Inside 




51 


82 


61 








68 


51 


7k 








172 









* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter. When 
more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on sep- 
arate lines. 

•ins- The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



j 0fr L i 



p S>r-k 




■REGRADED DECLASSIFIED - JOD , DPGp 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 13.3 of NJZ 2266 over a period of ? minutes starting at 0020 CST from a roof- 
TOUnted blower disperser (30 feet above street level) located at pomtljj. 

SAMPLBTO 

Location and Exposure 

hfembrane-f liter sailing equipment located at 97 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols*. 
£ Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below genera terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 

the station symbol. 



Sampling 

Period 

001? -0100 CST 
0100-013? CST 



Increment 

Dosage 




Total Dosage (particle ^minutes /liter) 
/ “ - 

T " trace dosage 
M « malfunction or data missing 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velccity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (M^ and (M2) 

Similar observations at rooftop level (3? feet above surf ace, at W corner of the school building) and wire- 



sonde ascents made at meteorological station («3) . 

210? Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of 

each arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times 
2 ioo ""‘-s. indicated, 

piicT 

oiVi Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Roof -level 
Stability 



winds northwesterly at 6.0 mph; street-level winds northwesterly at 3.6 mph. 



1.0° F. lapse from 6-300 ft. 



Clear at start of test period but becoming scattered at 0330 CST and low overcast at 0h30; bases were 
3000 ft above the surface. 



Temperature 



18-20° F at 2 meters in the te3t area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 1.9 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 



REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




Part 3 of 4 









£ 

^ s ^ 

Hi < ^ 

" ? I 

* v * 



REGRADED ONCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 




J [ ,• L i I i L_.il ...i i 

In nn r v ; r*n nn s 





iK 1 1 X •» 
i A^ 4 jj\ 



: ! j N J IMM ; 
lv I' .f;\h"s. I; I 




SpjS 

8»vl&? ' ; vT.- - • -*•• - .<»?■ •- >*&■■ J.,- ./» J 

eL-r Lpi ' «®fe- •• ■•r 

—At l ih$i 

- ■* . mr$ 

n 



nmi 



i i i \ 

j= rnFnr^^ 

Mil N 



MS&SSKU B 



LOOKING SOUTHEAST FROM ROOF 
TOP LOCATION OF AEROSOL GENERATION 



UlJLJJ ULj LL 

rnnnnrT 



J..„. ) I II J L_ __ \ 

F I [ H r 



ULJ ULJ L_ 




nnnnrir 



V) Vi Vj ci tx 

L S S: i ^ 

^ N; ^ ^ 

I t 5 | S 

e S ? S 3 



Figure B-32 

test array and results 

FT OOlOa 0020 CST 

FEBRUARY 12,1953 



Page 208 





REGRADKD UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.Dl’C 

AEROSOL 

Po3 

mou 

SAMPLING 

Loc 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAffiS* 
FT OOlOb#* 12 February 1 9$3 





Ground 


Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


96 






61 


32 












92 


Inside 




22 


37 


31 








30 


31 ' 


"21 








33 









METEOROl 

* Dosages are expressed in particle -minutes per liter. When ^ 

more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on sep- 
arate lines. 

*# The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 

¥-28 through V-31. 



Win 



Sts 



. Skj 



Teir 



Mol 



?c$> C' 4: I ^ 




; = ■>fi4 k .sffB3)«aB g3aa»»r*^n — ■ — ~ ~ -- ■ 

REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG|f 

AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 12.1 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at OlltO CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point . 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 97 stations as shown on te3t-array map by following symbols 

9 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note, 
o Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 

0135-0220 CST 
0220-0300 CST 



Increment Dosage 







Total Dosage (particle' 






58 



T 

M 



trace dosage 

malfunction or data missing. 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



METEOROLOGY 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, vind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other neteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet abcwosurface, at NW corner of the school building) and 
wires onde ascents made at meteorological station (jij 



.2105 



2100 



211 ^ 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2il»5 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 

Roof-level winds vest-northwesterly at 8 mph; street-level winds northwesterly at U mph. 

Stability 

0.8* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

Clear at 3 tart of test period but becoming scattered at 0330 CST and low overcast at 0430; bases were 
3000 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 

18-20* F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 1,9 gm/kgm dry air. 







p art 2 of 4 




HCASAN7 AUf S. 




COLUMBUS AVt S. 






M G R AD iB ' UNGLAS SIF I HD - JOD .DPG 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES# 
FT OOlOc-"-* 12 February 1953 





Ground 


Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


181 






208 


93 












21+7 


Inside 




23 


3b 


bl 








6U 


51 


30 








61 









# Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter. When 
more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on sep- 
arate lines o 

*# The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



part 1 9 ^ Lf 




i REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 

j AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 11.5 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 0305 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point . 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Manibrane-f liter sampling equipment located at 97 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols: 
9 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet, 

© Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

O Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, a3 shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 

Sampling Period Increment Dosage Total Dosage (particle -minutes per liter ) 

0300-03U? CST Jo m T » trace dosage 

0345-0420 CST 8 58 M « malfunction or data missing 



jMBTEOROLOOT 




100 



Equipment and Measurement 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatijres , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (MA and (M2) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet abovesurf ace, at NW comer of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascent3 made at meteorological station (M3) 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of 
each arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times 
indicated. 




Winds 



2lU5 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Roof-level winds west-northwesterly at It. 5 mph; street-level winds west-northwesterly at 3.0 mph. 
Stability 

0.9° F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Clear at 3tart of test period but becoming scattered at 0330 CST and low overcast at 0430; bases were 
3000 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 

18-20° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 1.9 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 





Part 3 of 4 








REGRADED DNCLASSIFTED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT OOlOd** 12 February 1953 





Ground 


Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


223 






163 


93 












226 


Inside 




28 


h i 


31 








3k 


52 


25 








38 









* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter. When 
more than one sampler is involved, values are listed on sep- 
arate lines. 

** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



Pcs>H; ? app. 




TlECTADED TOClASSIFlS) - JOD,DPG]>; 

AERCSOL GENERATION 



Point-source release of 12.2 gins of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at Ci*25 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point ȣ<. 

SAMPLING 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 9? stations as 3hcrwn on test-array map by following symbols: 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

O Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text* 

Results 

All samplers onerated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 


Increment Dosage 


Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 


0it20-0505 CST 
0505-0.520 CST 


@ 

O CO 

1 / 


58 


T * trace dosage 
M “ malfunction or data missing 






Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle -minutes per liter. 


METEOROLOGY 


100 







Equipment and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml and (M2) . 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface, at NW comer of the school building) and 
wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station (M3) 



2100 




Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of 
each arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the time* 
indicate d. 



.214? 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Winds 



Roof -level winds north-northwe3terly at 2.0 mph; street-level winds northwesterly at 3.2 mph. 
Stability 

1.3* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

Clear at start of test period but becoming scattered at 0330 CST and low overcast at d*30s bases were 
3000 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 



18-20° F at 2 meters in the test area. 
Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 1.9 gm/kgm dry air. 



Part 2 of 4 




RKGRADKI) UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 





















REGRAD ED U NCLASSI FIED - 



JOD.DPG!) 

,L ' s fP ; "t . 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
FT 0011 Survey M-1 j 9 35 Feb 1903 



Synoptic Situation 

The closest front to Minneapolis was a warm front 300 miles to the 
south which extended through northern Missouri. A deepening low 
with pres store 1001 mb was associated with this frontal system. An 
arctic high with pressure 1029 mb was located' over Saskatchewan. 
This high was the dominating weather influence in Minnesota. Sur- 
face wind flow was northwesterly at 8 to 12 mph. Air flow at 700 
mb was from the northwest at 00 mph. 



Weather Reports from Wold Chamberlain Field (Minneapolis) 



Time 

CST 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky# 

Cover 


Visibility 

(miles) Weather## 


Temp 
(°F ) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1330 


20,000 


Scat- 

tered 


10 


8 


-7 


NW 


9 


1U30 


20,000 


Scat- 

tered 


10 


10 


-0 


NW 


11 


1030 


20,000 


Scat- 

tered 


10 


10 


-0 


NW 


10 


1630 


20,000 


Scat- 

tered 


10 


8 


-0 


NNW 


10 


1730 


20,000 


Scat- 

tered 


10 


7 


-8 


NNW 


10 


1830 


20,000 


Clear 


10 


0 


-10 


NNW 


6 


1930 


20,000 


Clear 


10 


1 


-10 


WNW 


8 



Sea level pressure at 1630 CST: 103li.6 mb 

Ground Condition: Streets clear U" packed snow on ground Lakes frozen 

Tree Cover : None 

* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 1C$ 

■JHS- and/or restrictions to visibility 




tr*3r5?<«~..' - _ 

RE G R A DED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT OOlla 35 February 1953 







RESIDENCES** 








House 


Outside 


Basement First 


Floor 


Second 


Floor 


E 


61*3 


3U1 


30 302 


18 


218 


27 






281* 


12 












CLINTON SCHOOL*-"-* 











Ground 


Ground Floor 


First 


Floor 


Second 


Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


8 




8 


T 






7 








11 


T 






11 


Inside 




T 8 






3 


T 








3 T 






6 


2 








h 3 













* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e,, a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs. V-23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house 0 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs, 
V-28 through V-31. 



pajxJ- f 0 f q 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPC 



AEROSOL GENERATION 



Point-source release of 11.8 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 1405 CST from a roof- 

mounted blower disperser (35 feet above street level) located at point * 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 96 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
£ Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

^ Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note, 

o Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 

Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 

1400-1445 CST 
1445-1530 CST 



Increment Dosage 


Total 


Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 


''''"'"''''--^50 // 


T 


* trace dosage 


^ 8 © 58 


M 


= malfunction or data missing 



METEOROLOGY 




100 ioo 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) 

Similar observation at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wiresonde ascents made at meteoro- 

Virtual wind track, with length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 

Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



logical station (Mi 
2105 

-e--. 

2100 



2xa?J 



2145 



Kinds 

Roof -level winds westerly at 5.0 mph; street-level winds west-northwesterly at 3.7 mph. 
Stability 

3.0“ F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sk£ 

High scattered clouds with base over 20,000 ft. from the surface. 

Temperature 

3-7“ F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 0.7 gm/kgm dry air. 



a of v 




REGBADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD,DPG 



4 ^ ^ 

* > * ^ $S 

9 ci 9 >o '' 

! 5 > | | 

fe S ^ | 2 

§ 3 3 S 3 






1 


n 




r 


1-1 1 


L. j 


\ 

L 





\ ! I !| 

_U L i I UU I 



! I 




~j ’ — ■ | 1 s 1 L- 

I s ! j ! ! l! 



1 i! ! 1 

j i; j ' 

.1 J i 


LL 


i 


• r “i r* ti i 

; ! • ji ; 


r 


L ”' 14 KC sr 

% 



> ! ; ; : ;i ’ ' I I in 

JL j LiJ s Jl j L±j _jU L„,, 

fy^m rnrnpn'r 

jIlUllj. Jl M 

. LJU L. \ 

i i; i . :ni my 



jJULJ ULjLI 

rir^Vj j j 

:i i I il I 



I ! 

I j i 
i 



JLJ LU L i Li 

gipn^nrn ■pr — n fir— 
’liso > • ii i i M 



i n i 



^ n r^nH v 



Timm 



*4 ^ ^ 

S S ^ ^ 

’t ^ 't ■«« 

?* V: in 

^ ^ ^ 
5 5 ? § 



PHOTOGRAPH OF RELEASE POINT 
SAME AS FOR FT-OOlOa, FIG. B-32 



Figure b-40 

test Array and Results 

FT OOlla S405 CST 

FEBRUARY 15, 1953 



•pa jrF H of L l 



Page 216 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT OOllb 1$ February 1953 



RESIDENCES ** 



House 


Outside 


Basement 


First 


Floor 


Second Floor 


E 


loUo 


U75 11 


708 


32 


U09 


36 






5o6 1U 














CLINTON SCHOOL*** 










Ground Ground Floor 


First Floor 


Second Floor 


Roof 


Outside 


hi 




Ul 17 




36 


23 








31 T 






36 


Inside 




6 2 




5 


8 








19 10 




6 


h 








23 T 











* Dosages are expressed in particle-minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs. V- 23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house. 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



p OJJr I Of ^ 




REGRADED DECLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 11.6 gras of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 1535 CST from a roof- 
mounted blower disperser (35 feet above street level) located at point . 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 



Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 96 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
© Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain leves as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 



All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 



Sampling Period 

1530-1615 CST 
1615-1655 CST 



Increment Dosage 




53 



Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T » trace dosage 
M = malfunction or data missing 



METEOROLOGY 




Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface tempera tjires, wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (M2) 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wiresonde ascents made at meteoro- 
logical station (M3) 

2105 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 

arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 

Sioo 

2110 



2145 




Balloon track representing wind-drift observations at the times indicated. 



Rinds 

Roof-level winds west-northwesterly at 5.0 mph; street-level winds north-northwesterly at 3.9 mph. 
Stability 

3.3' F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Sky 

High scattered clouds with base over 20,000 ft. above the surface. 

Temperature 

3-7' F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 0.7 gm/kgm dry air. 

3 . of 4 





NUSBVKY An S. 




po^d- 3 of c/ 












Degraded unclassified - .ioi>, dug 






I 

I 



111 

Di 




Hi 







JUuL 




nsnfin t 




23 m sr 

>6 ! 




fr~\r 





V> tF 

| | | * 

^ 'l 't 

1 | | § 

s I 5 



PHOTOGRAPH OF RELEASE POINT 
SAME AS FOR FT-OOlOa, FIG.B-32 




FIGURE B-41 

Test Array and Results 

FT OOI lb 1535 CST 

FEBRUARY 15,1953 



pad- q cT p 



PAGE 217 





REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - JOD.DPG 



AERO 



SAMP 



SUMMARY OF HOUSE-PENETRATION AND CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 
FT OOllc 1^ February 1953 



RESIDENCES** 

Second Floor 
750 63 

851 U8 

CLINTON SCHOOL*** 



House 


Outside 


Basement 


First Floor 


E 


1970 


996 25 


1060 5U 



Outside 



Inside 



Ground Ground Floor First Floor Second Floor Roof 
12 19 T Ik 

T U T 



2 T 
7 3 
5 T 



U T 
2 T 



METE 



* Dosages are expressed in particle -minutes per liter; T repre- 
sents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 fluorescent 
particles. When more than one sampler is involved, values are 
listed on separate lines 0 Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially ex- 
posed filter units. 

** Individual residences are described in Section V-E. With the 
illustration of a given house (see Figs 0 V-23 through V-27) is 
given the summary of all dosages obtained at that house. 

*** The sampler array for this and other tests is found in Figs. 
V-28 through V-31. 



,rf ( O'f ^ 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OP .PP G; I 

AEROSOL GENERATION 

Point-source release of 10.9 gms of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 1710 CST from a vehicle- 
mounted blower disperser located at point * ■ 

SAMPLING 

Location and Exposure 

Membrane-filter sampling equipment located at 96 stations as shown on test-array map by following symbols 
Q Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

Q Indoor sampler at location indicated by test-array map or text. 



Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers at selected stations were operated 
incrementally, as shown by the sampling period and the corresponding increment dosage given to the left 
of the station symbol. 

Total Dosage (particle-minutes per liter) 

T * trace dosage 
M * malfunction or data missing 



Sampling Period 

1700-1745 CST 
1745-1800 CST 



Increment Dosage 




METEOROLOGY 




100 100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in 
particle-minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures , wind velocity, 
and other meteorological observations taken at stations designated as (Ml) and (k^ 



Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and viresonde ascents made at meteoro- 
logical station (5^ 



^105 




Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each 
arrow representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2145 



Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Hinds 

Roof-level winds northwesterly at 4 mph; street-level winds north-northwesterly at 3 mph. 
Stability 

2.2' F lapse from 6-300 feet. 

Sky 

High scattered clouds with base over 20,000 ft. above the surface. 

Temperature 

3-7° F at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 

Hixing ratio of 0.7 gm/kgm dry air. 

poori ^ of y 




REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED - J OD , DPG, 







PHOTOGRAPH OF RELEASE POINT 
SAME AS FOR FT-OOlOb, FIG.B-33 




Figure B-42 

Test Array and Results 

FT OOI lc 1710 CST 
FEBRUARY 15,1953 



PAGE 218 



H oH 






■REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED 








FEET ABOVE SURFACE 



■ rrms^arxBseES ^ ar 

REGKADF.D UNCLASSIFIED - .JOD.DPG 




IHKHkai 




DRY ADIABATIC 
LAPSE RATE 



TEMPERATURE F 



1400 CST 
1500 CST 
1600 CST 



— - 1800 CST 



FIGURE B-38 
TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
MINNEAPOLIS RESIDENTIAL 
WIRESONDE 

SURVEY M-49 15 FEB. 1953 









reoIaSed UNCLASSIFIED - J01),DPG 






lilialilaSaa 
Igaggggggg.y: 
las 



mum 

SSSISSmSS 

palaasS: 

ISiils 






iSSSSs 



ill!lllll!!=iilllii= 5 ==l 



3S33E! 

ssssas&j 

2sS3| 



ssss! 

iiiii 



Fig. 


3-39 


Dosage-Area Relationship For FT 0011 


— XX XX — 


FT 0011a 


> > — 


FT 0011b 


— < < — 


FT 0011c 



ass 

ass 



SSsSs 



■■mi 

iHMWnM 

SSSSS 

SSSSS 



I1IHII 



k:r.3: 

|5£S££3j 



■KUSfiSS 

piksa’ai 






IlflEBUSlI 

liiill 






sassss 

SBSBSS 



■ebb sbbs 
SBBBSS gil 



■■■■■I 

!■■■« 

lllll 

IIBII 



siBsasSsssssass 



ssss 



s==E=a==SSSS| 



lies 



Hhiiiibii 
■■■■■■■■■■I 



.'ssssssssssssss: 

SSSS ssssssss 



issi iiiii 



BSSSSSSSSSn 

!s;s;ss:i:ss: is;;;i;;ss;;;s;i;;;iississi 

IMHil|inKii^iiIIIIiIiss§ss§giiI!li| 



lUOMiiliilliliiiil 






Ibb bbbbi 

lnn| 

lui 



tsSSI 



■■■ISSiSS SSaMMjHMWl 



KsssssssSssbsbsssE 

s 555555 E 55 sa 5 a 5 I 555 | 5 || 5 ||g£i 5 ggg 5 g 5 g 



:assssss 



sassasi 



ISSiSiisfl BBBa 

■Mcnmllllllll 

. KgBassBBBBBaal 

Ellliil 














OWtunjul ^rkrv^ k. - 

Du^lb^ io-f 3 









ANALYSIS 



James L». McElroy and Francis Pooler, Jr, 
Bureau of Engineering and Physical Sciences 
Division of Meteorology 



;< 









U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WELFARE 
Public Health Service 

Consumer Protection and Environmental Health Service 
National Air Pollution Control Administration 
Arlington, Virginia 
December 1968 



£ 

t 






The authors are meteorologists assigned to. the National Air Pollution 
Control Administration by- the Air Resources Laboratory, Environ- 
mental Science Services Administration. 



The AP series of reports is issued by the National Air Pollution Con- 
trol Administration to report the results of scientific and engineering 
studies, and information of general interest in the field of air pollution. 
Information reported in this series includes coverage of NAPCA intra- 
mural activities and of cooperative studies conducted in conjunction 
with state and local agencies, research institutes, and industrial 
organizations. Copies of AP reports may be obtained upon request, 
as supplies permit, from the Office of Technical Information and Pub- 
lications, National Air Pollution Control Administration, U. S. Depart- 
ment of Health, Education, and Welfare, 801 North Randolph Street, 
Arlington, Virginia 22203. 



i 

) 



NationaL Air Pollution Control Administration Publication No. AP-53 




CONTENTS 



ABSTRACT ' iv 

INTRODUCTION . 1 

DESCRIPTION OF TRACER DATA 3 

Total Dosage at Surface 3 

Sequential Dosage at Surface 3 

Total Dosage in the Vertical .4 

DISPERSION PARAMETERS . 5 

Normalized Axial Concentration 5 

Cross-Wind Parameters 5 

Vertical Parameters 6 

Tabulation of Results 9 

Loss of Tracer Material 9 

Effective Transport Wind Speed 10 

METEOROLOGICAL INDICES OF TURBULENCE 15 

Pas quill- Turner Stability Classes 15 

Modified "Brookhaven" Gustiness Classes 15 

Horizontal Wind Direction Fluctuations and Conditions of 

Vertical Stability 16 

Tabulation of Results 17 

RELATION OF DISPERSION PARAMETERS TO METEORO- 
LOGICAL INDICES OF TURBULENCE • 19 

COMPARISONS WITH OTHER EXPERIMENTAL PROGRAMS . . . 21 

INITIAL DIMENSIONS OF TRACER CLOUD 23 

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 45 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 47 

REFERENCES . 49 




ABSTRACT 



The primary analyses performed on data collected during low- 
level tracer experiments conducted over metropolitan St. Louis, Mis- 
souri, are described. Values of dispersion parameters derived from 
the tracer data are related to readily derived or measured meteoro- ■ 
logical indices of turbulence. The results are graphically presented 
in terms of best-fit curves as functions of downwind distance and 
travel time. Comparisons are made with the results of previous dif- 
fusion experiments conducted over relatively uncomplicated terrain 
in open country. It is concluded that for low-level point sources the 
urban area affects cross-wind dispersion primarily by enhancing the 
initial size (i.e. , close to the source) of the plume. As the plume 
becomes much larger than the size of eddies created by the local ob- 
structions, the dispersion approaches that associated with flow over 
open country. In the vertical,- significantly enhanced dispersion as 
well as an enlarged initial spread of the tracer cloud seem to occur; 
this enhancement in the rate of dispersion over that in open country 
appears somewhat greater for stable than for unstable meteorological 
conditions. VaLues of dispersion parameters from limited tracer ex- 
periments in other urban areas are similar to those reported here for 
St. Louis under the same gross meteorological conditions. 






... —A.' 



1 







ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY 
VOLUME II- 
ANALYSIS 



i 

i 

i 



i 



INTRODUCTION 



The St. Louis Dispersion Study consisted of a series of experi- 
ments in which fluorescent zinc cadmium sulfide particles were releas- 
ed and traced across the relatively flat urban area of metropolitan St. 
Louis. The measurement program began in the spring of 1963 and 
ended in the spring of 1965. Over this 2-year period 26 daytime and 
16 evening experiments were conducted in seven series. Dissemina- 
tion of fluorescent particles from either of the two pre-selected sites 
near ground level was usually 1 hour long. For each experiment, 
measurements of total dosage at the surface were obtained on three 
nearly circular arcs at distances between 1/2 and 10 mites from the 
dissemination site. The use of particular arcs varied, usually depend- 
ing on appropriate forecasts of wind direction and speed. In addition, 
time -sequential measurements of dosage at the surface were made on 
each arc at a few locations near the anticipated mean centerline of the 
tracer cloud. During nine experiments, total dosage was measured at 
several heights along the tether of a balloon flown at a single site. The 
site was usually a park or vacant lot between the inner and outer sam- 
pling arcs and as near as possible to the anticipated mean centerline. 
Also, a mesometeorological network composed of three stations on the 
periphery of the urban area and an instrumented television tower 
(KMOX) in the downtown area provided continuous records of wind, 
temperature, and relative humidity. The TV tower was instrumented 
at three leveLs to provide information on the vertical gradients of wind 
and temperature. Single -theodolite (pibal) observations of winds aloft 
and measurements of winds near the surface were made at the tracer 
dissemination site; free or tethered radiosonde ascents were made from 
the roof of a building in the downtown, area; and transponder -equipped 
tetroons were released near the dissemination site. The tetroons were 
tracked by radar located at Lambert Field, northwest of the metropoli- 
tan area. 



| 



1 




Volume I of this report (APTD-68-12) presents a detailed descrip- 
tion of the experimental equipment and procedures employed in the 
study, and provides in tabular form the dispersion and related meteoro- 
logical data collected during the tracer experiments. Because Volume 
I is mainly data tables, it is not being given general distribution. 

Volume II describes the primary analyses performed on the dis- 
persion and related meteorological data collected during the tracer 
experiments. The main objectives of the analyses were to obtain at 
least gross estimates of (1) the values of dispersion parameters over 
urban areas and (2) the relation of these parameters to meteorological 
indices of turbulence. A secondary objective was to compare the re- 
sults of the St. Louis Dispersion Study with those of past experimental 
programs, especially those conducted over relatively "open" country. 



2 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 










DESCRIPTION OF TRACER DATA 



TOTAL DOSAGE AT SURFACE 

For our purposes , measurements of total dosage were converted 
to equivalent concentration, X (particLe$/m^)i by the equation 

n 

X = ' {v) (e) (D t ) 



where ; 

n = total, number of particles (dosage) 
v = flow rate of sampler 
e = collection efficiency of sampler 
Dt = time duration of tracer dissemination 

For each sampling arc of an experiment, values of X were plotted as a 
function of azimuth direction (degrees) from the tracer dissemination 
site. A continuous, smoothed curve was drawn through the plotted 
values. Whenever necessary, curves were extrapolated to zero con- 
centration. In such extrapolations, the continuity and similarity of 
distributions between sampling arcs were maintained, and, whenever 
feasible, curves or portions of curves were made to resemble a Gaus- 
sian shape. 

Multi-peaked or otherwise complex cross-wind distributions of 
tracer material occasionally occurred, particularly in data from the 
close-in sampling arcs. Channeling of the airflow due to the spatial 
distribution of obstructions or locally, induced circulations may be 
largely responsible for this physical appearance of the distributions. 
Effects of sampler exposure were considered to be insignificant, since 
the placement of samplers at the nominally designated locations was 
somewhat random over the 2-year period of the experimental program, 

SEQUENTIAL DOSAGE AT SURFACE 

Measurements of sequential dosage at the'surface were trans- 
formed into concentration X s by the formula 

n 

X a = ( V ) (e) (D.) 



n = number of particles (dosage) 
v = flow rate of sampler 



i where: 

I 



3 



I 









*n-. t «* 

a,.. , , -VUjV 

Sfc ■•*'•■ \ *% gsj®§gjj$ 1 



e = collection efficiency of sampler 

Dj = time duration of sequential sampler interval 

For each designated location, a plot was made of X e as a function of 
time. The physical appearances of the resulting histograms differed 
somewhat for daytime and evening experiments. 

For daytime experiments, the histograms showed that the number 
of major concentration peaks decreased with downwind distance from 
the tracer dissemination site. At inner sampling arcs, concentration 
was usually continuous with time, though varying widely. At interme- 
diate arcs, the sequential concentration often went to zero, suggesting 
the occurrence of "puffs" of tracer material. At greater downwind 
distances, the concentration patterns usually became more uniform in 
appearance. From these patterns, it is inferred that the horizontally 
meandering cloud is carried selectively aloft by convective motions. 
When most of the cloud has been affected by these motions, convective 
overturning results in a relatively uniform vertical distribution of 
tracer material. 

For evening experiments, the histogram patterns generally were 
more uniform, although many suggested the existence of weak convec- 
tive activity. Temperature gradient data from the TV tower, analyzed 
by the authors and by Schiermeier (1967), also suggest the occurrence 
of such activity, especially in the lowest 250 feet above the ground. 

The vertical extent of convective activity probably depends strongly on 
details of the vertical temperature structure since air flowing into 
urban areas from the surrounding countryside must always be in a 
transitional state. 

TOTAL DOSAGE IN THE VERTICAL 

During nine of the experiments, total dosage was measured at 
several heights, to a maximum of roughly 1000 feet above ground, 
along the tether of a balloon flown at a single location. Passage of a 
squall line during one of these experiments and of a front during an- 
other experiment prevented these measurements from being used to 
develop generalizations. Of the remaining seven experiments (four 
daytime and three evening), the measurements of one daytime and one 
evening experiment showed an anomalou s - inc - re a ae of dosa Ag with, 
height above the surface. A possible explanation of the anomalies is 
that on both occasions considerable vertical shear of wind direction 
occurred in the lower atmosphere. The sampling sites were far from 
the mean centerlines of the tracer clouds, but with respect to the dis- 
semination site were in the azimuth direction of this shear. The 
remaining measurements were too limited to allow direct computations 
of parameter values or to provide definitive information concerning 
concentration distributions. 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY ll 



DISPERSION PARAMETERS 






l 

i 



For the purposes of this report, 32 of the 42 experiments yielded 
usable dispersion data; 22 of these were conducted in the daytime and 
10 in the evening. Many of the excluded experiments yielded usable 
data for which analysis could not be made in the conventional manner 
used here. A separate publication is planned to report analyses of 
these data. 



NORMALIZED AXIAL CONCENTRATION 

From the plots of equivalent concentration at the surface, X, 
(particles /meter-^) versus azimuth (degrees), 0, from the tracer dis- 
semination site for each sampling arc of an experiment, peak or axial 
values, Xp, were determined. These values were converted to nor- 
malized peak concentrations, (X/Q)p (seconds/meterS), through divi- 
sion by the tracer emission rate, Q (particles/second). 

CROSS-WIND PARAMETERS 

From each plot of X versus 9, values of X were read at equally 
spaced azimuth intervals, beginning at an edge of the tracer cloud. 

The intervals were equivalent to the tracer measurement resolution. 
Measures of the statistical cross-wind standard deviation, Vy (meters), 
and the cross-wind integrated concentration, CIC (particles/meter^), 
were then computed from these values. 



The equation for the root-mean-square standard deviation, cr , 

' rewritten from Fanofsky and Brier (1963), was modified to allow cal- 



culations of o 



V 



N 2f. (X.) 2 - ( SI. I.) 2 
i i t i 

N 2 



1/2 



( 1 ) 



where: 

d = frequency class interval 

1^ =s deviation of class midpoint i from the assumed mean 
in terms of class intervals 

fj e frequency of the distribution for class interval i 
N = total fj, i, e. , Sf^ 

When a plot of X versus $ is considered to be a frequency histogram of 
X in terms of 6, the values of X at the equal azimuth increments may 
be taken as the mean values of increments for which they are the mid- 
points. Thus, Xj = fj and SX^ = N. The proper d is not d^ (azi- 
muth degrees) but rather dy (arc length) written 



5 



I 

i 



i 



ii 









/ 



y 



= <*«) <x) (tt / 180) 



( 2 ) 



V 







SX.x. 

where 3c, mean arc radius, is defined by — J — Land X: is the equivalent 

SXj J 



concentration at a given sampling site along the arc located a distance 
Xj from the dissemination site. 

With these definitions equation (1) maybe rewritten as 



'y = 



sx i * 2x i ! i 2 * ~ (2 *i r j * 2 






2X.X . 

J J- 


7 r 


, 2 

( SXi ) 






"BT 



(3) 



Surface cross-wind integrated concentration, CIC a , defined as 

/♦ CO 

J X(y)dy was approximated by SXj When from equation (2) is 
substituted into the latter-, -the appropriate formulation becomes 



r* 


/ SX. X . \ 


|(X.) (A*) 


( sx . ) ( IBoO 



(4) 



VERTICAL PARAMETERS 

Estimates of vertical dispersion parameters were based on the 
surface tracer measurements and hence represent only "effective" val- 
ues, As previously noted, the measurements of tracer material in the 
vertical were too limited for direct computation of vertical parameter 
values. The rationale for describing dispersion in the vertical differed 
for daytime and evening experiments. 



Daytime Experiments 

For each arc of a daytime experiment, a derived estimate of the 
vertical standard deviation, <j z (meters), was computed from the appro- 
priate mass continuity equation, assuming no loss of tracer in transit, 
uncorrelated horizontal and vertical tracer distributions, and a Gaus- 
sian distribution of material in the vertical. This equation may be 
written as 



Q 



/»»/* ® 

/ / u X(y) 



X(z) dy dz 



(5) 



where: 

Q = quantity of tracer material disseminated per unit time 
u = effective transport wind speed 

Since u is assumed to be independent of y and z and y)dy is C1C S , 

Q 



u CIC 



■ r 



X(z) dz 



i 

I 

i 

I 

i 



! 

t 

i 



6 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II ' 

i 








With X(z) = 1/2 exp (-z^/2<r z ), i. e. , the function for a Gaussian dis - 
tribution with perfect reflection of the tracer material at the ground, 
the appropriate integration yields 

Q VZ7T 




20 

(ClC a ) (u) (VZ ~) 



<*•-> tt-i »i*T4 *m.v * » « 



s of the effec 



from mean tetroon trajectories, except when the surface projected posi 
tion of the tetroon differed significantly from the centerline of the tracer 
cloud or when the elevation of the tetroon was beyond the top of the mix- 
ing layer that was assumed to contain the bulk of tracer material. On 
these other occasions, values of n from mean wind profiles measured 
at the TV tower or by pilot balloon ascents were substituted. In experi- 
ments for which suitable sequential dosage samples were obtained, the 
measurements of u based on observed wind or tetroon data, especially 
the latter, agreed well with u values based on the timing of tracer cloud 
passages across sampling arcs, Eajimates of travel time, t, of the 
tracer cloud to various arcs were made from 



whe re : 



t = x / u 



x = mean arc distance from dissemination site 



Evening Experiments 



For the evening experiments, which were conducted under more 
stable meteorological conditions, the vertical profiles of wind and tracer 
material were assumed to be significantly interrelated. In view of this 
assumption and of the limitations of the tracer data, a simple box 
model was derived to describe dispersion in the vertical. Basically, 
the model assumes that the tracer material is uniformly mixed to some 
height h. The depth of the uniformly mixed layer, h, was assumed to 
increase linearly with travel time, t, of the tracer cloud between arcs. 
That is , 

h g = hj + K 12 ^ l 2 ’..V 

where the subscripts refer to the particular arcs and Kj 2 is a constant 
for these arcs for a particular experiment. The wind profile was as- 
sumed to be of the form u 2 = az n where z is height and a and n are 
constants for each experiment. These particular assumptions appeared 
reasonably to characterize the appropriate tracer and meteorological 
measurements. 



For the simple box model, equation (5) reduces to 



Dispersion Parameters 



7 



19) 



Q = (ClC a ) (fl h ) (h) 



or h. = Q/ CIC^ 

where is the effective mean transport wind through depth, h, at a 
particular arc. The appropriate for h at each arc was defined by 
the relation , 



_ •'o 

\ = ,h 



I X(z)u dz 
^o ’ z 

t- h 

X(z) dz 

Jo 



where X(z) in this case is a constant, C. 

Integration of this equation with the substitutions u^ = az n and 
X(z) = C yields 



“h = n + 1 



When this value for is substituted into equation (8), the relation 
becomes 

1 



, fn+1 Q "| n + 1 
h = [ a CIC B _ 



Now it is necessary to determine horizontally and vertically 
averaged travel speeds, Sfc, based on the horizontal variation of verti- 
cally averaged speeds, ujj. Since h from equation (8) has been defined 
as a function of t, f 



“h %t 



aa w- ttuit-uon v#* k| z. 

I \ (t > dt 

\ -v (i3) 

h fh 

f dt 

* *1 

where tj and tg are traveL times from the dissemination site to particu- 
lar arcs. From equations (11) and (8), 

f rb 1 + K 12 (t 2 -t 1 )l dt / n+ 1 n+lN 

•'ll L J a lh, - h, 1 

C 1 - \ 2 1 / fl4 % 



Jti 



(n + 1) ( 1>2 - hj) 



where, again, the subscripts indicate particular arcs. 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 



For particular area 



X 2 ' *1 
*2 - £ 1 



where x is the mean distance from dissemination site to an arc and t 
is the corresponding travel time based on the appropriate value of 
Combining equations (14) and (IS), 



l 2 - *1 = 



(x 2 - Xj) (h 2 - hjHn+1) 

/ n + 1 n + 1\ 

a V 2 ‘ h l ) 



i* \4 ”* 



For each evening experiment, the coefficients a and n were first 
determined from mean wind profiles measured at the downtown TV 
tower or by pilot balloon ascents, after which the h for the appropriate 
sampling arcs was computed from equation (12). A value for u^ cor- 
responding to each h was calculated from equation (11), and travel 
times between arcs were determined from equation (16). 

TABULATION OF RESULTS 

Symbols used in the foregoing calculations are listed in Table 1, 
and dispersion data resulting from the calculations are summarized 
in Table 2. In addition, in Table 2 values of an "equivalent" Gaus- 
sian <r z , i. e. , Zh/J hr, are presented for evening experiments in 
order to permit a single analysis of dispersion in the vertical. 

LOSS OF TRACER MATERIAL 

Since disseminations were from near ground level, the loss of 
tracer material due to deposition or fallout was thought to be a possi- 
bility. For the analyses reported herein, such losses would most 
noticeably affect estimates of vertical dispersion parameters and of 
axial concentration. A special study (Vaughan and McMullen, 1968) 
was conducted to assess the magnitude of deposition or fallout that 
occurred during the St. Louis tracer experiments under various mete- 
orological and ambient air pollution conditions. The assessment was 
based on statistical comparisons of percentages of fluorescent parti- 
cles in class-size groupings between samples collected at the various 
downwind distances and between these collected samples and the stan- 
dard "lot" disseminated. The findings indicated that in general signifi- 
cant losses of tracer material did not occur in transit. An apparent 
loss of small particles in the size range less than 1. 5 microns did 
occur with distance under stable meteorological conditions. This loss 
seemingly resulted from background obscuration of collected particles 
during prolonged sampling times at greater distances, and not from 
deposition or fallout. In the St. Louis study, particles with less than 
1, 5-micron diameters constituted from 20 to 30 percent of the total 
mass released during each experiment. 



Dispersion Parameters 







In addition, tracer material collected by samplers may not be 
measured because of loss of fluorescence, particularly when exposed 
to high humidity and ultraviolet radiation. A recent study (Grinnel, 
1965) has demonstrated that the loss in fluorescence of the type of 
tracer material utilized in St. Louis is no more than 5 percent. 

EFFECTIVE TRANSPORT WIND SPEED 

As previously discussed, for daytime experiments a single effec- 
tive transport wind seemed to exist and was represented best by the 
mean tetroon trajectory, when the tetToon was found in the airflow 
dispersing the tracer cloud. It was assumed that during the more 
stable conditions of the evening experiments the vertical profiles of 
wind and tracer distribution were interrelated, resulting in a transport 
wind increasing with vertical spreading of the tracer cloud, and thus 
with travel time. 

Instrumental measures of wind speed over tracer dissemination 
periods were qualitatively evaluated in terms of mean transport wind 
speeds. Values computed from average pilot balloon observations were 
of limited use, since deviations from the average (at a particular level) 
usually were a significant fraction of that average. Wind speed meas- 
urements at the tracer dissemination sites provided insufficient data 
to permit meaningful comparisons with other wind data. Wind gpeeris^ 
measured at about 60 feet above ground at the peripheral 'sit es and, at 
l^~t2Tt-16Wl~lgvx 4-of-th^Hnwntr)wn t o v i ftr -weye-c-onsasienthr- lower than 
h n 1 -T~fvry~rl -wt ir n f li n d even-in ff. .jaffacl ive. tr.anapn.r.f._wi nd speeds. M e a s - 
"ut^ermentr-aTlhe 255-foot level of the tower, during the limited number 
of experiments for which this wind equipment was operating, usually 
were of the appropriate magnitude for both daytime and evening effec- 
tive transport winds. Although measurements at the 459-foot level of 
the tower usually provided better estimates of daytime transport wind 
speeds than did measurements at the 255-foot level, they generally 
overestimated evening transport wind speeds. 



Table 1. LIST OF SYMBOLS DESCRIBING DISPERSION DATA 

x Downwind distance from dissemination site 

t Travel time from dissemination site 

try Cross-wind standard deviation of tracer material 

<r z Effective vertical standard deviation of tracer 

material 

h Height of uniformly mixed layer 

(X/Q)p Relative axial concentration 

□ Effective transport wind speed 

u Wind speed at height a 

a Height 

a,n Empirical constants 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 



Table 2 (continued). SUMMARY OF DISPERSION DATA 




ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY If 



SUMMARY OF DISPERSION DATA 



— ^ N CO * 4 “ OY 

o cm pa pa <s r» cn 



K *v% O o O 
o ... 
0.0 0 - 4-0 



^ _ Oi ^n0\0 q ltv •— pa r*-. LA O PAvO vOr-.NO 

rs iv\- r- — r-^^r-g-fA pa la no -r pa 

CM rA O >— CM pa fM — »— 



rM r>. cm »— pa la 

CO cm CM CM <J\ AA 



X 


k y * 


nt 

LAO — 
CO pAnO 
-4- vO 


* A 


^ IK > 








la- 4- cn 

vOJ-O 


ONM 
LA nO CA 
CM nO LA 


CO — LA 

\o r^-a- 

~ PA 


n- cm »“ 
4 S-- 
— CO CM 


NO CM CO 

\flom 


Cv-4- JT 
AlAO 
— CM 


PA-4 - O 
NO O CM 
PA -4" 


CO PACO 

no — cn 

CM 


CO — «M 
LA CO CM 
— PA 


cM^r -r 
LA-3" cn 

— n- — 


-4* LA <J\ 
LA O CO 
CM CM 


O -T LA 
P4 N4 

— -ar NO 


P-OCO 

o r--co 

CM PA LA 


CM PA LA 

o ■ — no 
CM -4- NO 


— cm cn 
o r-^ uy 

— PANO 


CO CM -4* 
-ar rA pa 
pa r- cn 


CO »— o 
co cn r>. 
pa 


r*- CM LA 
CO LA LA 
-4- <A 


-4- -4 r-. 

N4 r- 
CM NO O 


CM NO LA 
r- — pa 
fSIAvO 


O CM so 
CO NO NO 

PA CM LA 

— CM 


O CM CO 
CM r-v. PA 
CM PA LA 


-4- CO NO 
OA «n-4- 
CM LA 


(TYCO I-V 
lACn-T 
OY rA O 

pa r-. 


-4" LA LA 
OA-T cn 
rs pj in 
PA vO 


O NO PA 
CM PA PA 
NO CM CO 
PA vO" 


PA CM -4" 
LA NO — 
LA 
PA NO 


PA r— - LA 
PA O -T 
r-H CM -4- 
PA NO 


r- PA OY 
CM CM LA 
NO CM -4- 
PA 


cn la — 
CO o o 
cn CM LA 
■ — -ar r*- 


r-vo r- 

LACO O 

r-«. — no 

PA NO 


— <N cv> 


— r\J rA 


*— CM m 


CM rA 


*— CM rA 


— CM PA 


sr lano 


— CM PA 


Evening 

e{ 


Day 


Day 

-0 


o> 

C 

'c^ 

4) 

> 

Ui 


Day 

V 


Evening 


Evening 


o> 

c 

1^ 

UI 



o C I- 

V o 

•“ TJ 

'O in c 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY It 












METEOROLOGICAL INDICES OF TURBULENCE 









The calculated values of dispersion parameters were related to 
several readily measured or derived meteorological indices of turbu- 
lence. These indices included stability classes, gustiness classes 
based on patterns of wind direction fluctuations, and a classification 
based jointly on measures of wind direction fluctuations and conditions 
of vertical stability. Values of the indices were determined for semi- 
rural or peripheral locations as well as for urban locations. This ap- 
proach allows at least qualitative inferences concerning the applicability 
of the various indices and of station locales in describing dispersion 
over urban areas, 

PASQUILL-TURNER STABILITY CLASSES 

In the scheme devised by Easquill (1961) and later slightly modi- 
fied by Turner (1964), the diffusive ability of the lower atmosphere is 
represented by stability classes determined jointly from estimates of 
net radiation and wind speed . Determinations of these stability classes 
over periods of tracer dissemination were made for three wind meas- 
urement locations in the St. Louis area: the lower level (127 feet above 
ground) on the TV tower, the peripheral site west of downtown, and the 
Weather Bureau Airport Station at Lambert Field in comparatively rural 
surroundings. The net radiation estimates were based on solar altitude, 
obtained from the Smithsonian Meteorological Tables (1963), and cloud 
cover and ceiling height, taken from records of hourly observations at 
the airport. 

The use of Pasquill-Turner stability classes for peripheral and 
urban locations may, of course, be questioned, since the scheme was 
devised primarily for application over relatively open country. Also, 
information on cloud cover at the airport may not always be appropri- 
ate for the other locations. 

MODIFIED "BROOKHAVEN" GUSTINESS CLASSES 

In the gustiness classification scheme due to Singer and Smith 
(1953) at Brookhaven National Laboratory, the diffusive ability of the 
lower atmosphere is described by the range and rapidity of horizontal 
wind direction fluctuations; a less detailed scheme had been designed 
previously by Giblett et al. (1932) for use at Cardington. The range 
furnishes an estimate of the turbulent velocity component in the cross- 
wind direction and hence of cross-wind dispersion. The rapidity of 
the fluctuations also indicates the general degree of vertical stability 
and thus of dispersion in the vertical. 

The basic Brookhaven gustiness classes were used in St. Louis, 







but different class limits on the ranges of wind direction fluctuations' 
were adopted. Although the St. Louis wind sensors were the same type 
as those used at Brookhaven, they were located near larger roughness 
elements and usually nearer the ground. In addition to the urban (lower 
level on TV tower) and peripheral sites discussed earlier, wind data 
for the upper level (459 feet above the ground) of the TV tower were 
utilized also. With these additional data, comparisons can be made 
between wind direction fluctuations at 127 feet, slightly above nearby 
building tops, and those at 459 feet, well above the buildings. For eac.h 
site, range limits for the specific classes were derived from appropri- 
ate analog traces obtained from a climatological analysis of the (analog) 
records and were, without exception, greater than those found by Singer 
and Smith (1953) at the Brookhaven site. 

HORIZONTAL WIND DIRECTION FLUCTUATIONS 
AND CONDITIONS OF VERTICAL STABILITY 

This joint meteorological index employs the standard deviation of 
horizontal wind direction fluctuations, , and a direct estimate of 
vertical stability expressed as a gradient Richardson number. Indices 
based partially or totally on these elements have been applied by such 
investigators as Cramer (1959), Fuquay et al. (1964), and Slade (1965) 
to organize dispersion data from other experimental programs. 

Estimates of ^ over the tracer dissemination periods were made 
from frequency histograms of azimuth angle derived from records of 
the analog wind traces. Since the chart speed of wind recorders was a 
slow 3 inches per hour, portions of the analog traces were occasionally 
"painted" (i.e. , the more commonly occurring azimuth directions). 
Frequencies for the "painted" azimuth angles were extrapolated from 
those of the "non-painted" angles under the assumption that the fre- 
quency distributions of azimuth angle were Gaussian or resulted from 
sums of Gaussian distributions. 

Comparisons of these Values of with the extreme, third highest, 
and fifth highest ranges of wind direction fluctuations over the tracer 
dissemination periods showed statistically linear relationships for each 
Tange for each meteorological site. Linear correlation coefficients 
varied from 0. 8 to slightly over 0. 9, the higher correlations generally 
occurring for the peripheral and upper-level urban locations. Some- 
what better correlations were attained with the third highest range than 
with the extreme or fifth highest ranges. Average values of the ratio 
of range to * g for the extreme, third highest, and fifth highest range 
were, respectively, about 7.5, 6. 0, and 5, 5, The value of 7, 5 for the 
extreme range is slightly different from the 6, 0 found by Markee (1963) 
and Slade (1965) for other locations and exposures. 

Estimates of stability were based on wind and temperature meas- 
urements at the downtown TV tower or temperature measurements from 
the downtown radiosonde ascents. Lapse rates, stability ratios, and 
various forms of the gradient Richardson number for several layers in 
the lower atmosphere were considered. Thorough evaluation of these 



16 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 



j parameters was difficult because of incomplete data. A limited ap- 

I praisal, however, indicated that the most meaningful parameter was 

i the "bulk" Richardson number Rig. Fortunately, adequate data were 

available to compute this value for most experiments. The Rig was 
based on temperature and wind measurements at the 127- and 459-foot 
' levels of the TV tower. Temperature information from the radiosonde 

ascents was substituted when the corresponding tower data were miss- 
( ing. Following Lettau (1957), the Rig may be defined: 

I 
I 
i 
l 
I 

I where: 

g 

AT 

AZ 

I T 

! r d 

i z 

v 

Originally, a measure of a transport wind speed, u, was also in- 
corporated into the joint index: its utilization as an additional parameter 
or in the form <rg R generally increased data scatter. It should be noted, 
: however, that the tracer experiments were not usually conducted under 

very strong or very light wind speed conditions, resulting in a reduc- 
tion in the overall and perhaps within-class range of u. Dispersion in 
the cross-wind and in the vertical were better ordered by and Rig 
jointly than by either alone. Axial concentrations also were better re- 
presented by this joint classification than by or Rig alone. 

TABULATION OF RESULTS 

For each of the experiments, values of the meteorological Indices 
at the locations specified in the preceding sections are presented in 
Table 3. Values of Rig denoted with superscripts were those that were 
inconsistent with all other coincident measures of stability, e.g. , Pas- 
quill-Turner classes or gustiness classes, Without exception, these 
inconsistencies were for cases in which the radiosonde temperature 
data were substituted for missing TV tower data. 



- g [at /A Z + r d] z z 

Rl B T _2 

v 

= acceleration of gravity 

= temperature difference between top and bottom of the 
layer 

= height difference between top and bottom of the layer 
= mean absolute temperature through the layer 
= dry adiabatic temperature lapse rate 
= height of upper anemometer 
= mean speed for anemometer at height Z 



Meteorological Indices of Turbulence 



17 



RELATION OF DISPERSION PARAMETERS 
TO METEOROLOGICAL INDICES OF TURBULENCE 



Values of ffy, (X/Q) pl and (x/Q) p u were plotted against down- 

wind distance, x, and travel time, t. For daytime experiments, u was 
based on tetroon speeds; for evening experiments, it was H), (see Verti- 
cal Parameters). The dispersion data points were grouped according 
to values of the meteorological indices determined for each of the pre- 
viously mentioned locations. Best-fit curves through the ddta groupings 
were approximated by eye in view of the small sample size. Linear 
curves were used since, for the arc distances and travel times repre- 
sented in the data, few indications of discernible non-linearity were 
noted. Data points in correlograms involving u z and axial concentra- 
tion were ignored in the determination of best-fit lines when a re- 
striction to vertical mixing (e. g. , a temperature inversion aloft) was 
thought to be affecting the concentration. For such cases the appro- 
priate data in Table 3 are denoted with a superscript a. Information 
concerning the depth of a mixing layer was obtained from the downtown 
radiosonde ascents and less frequently from the regular Weather Bu- 
reau rawinsonde ascents at Columbia, Missouri, or Peoria, Illinois. 

The determination that a particular mixing depth affected the dispersion 
data was made from a consideration of the mixing depth, the growth 
rate of and the travel time or downwind distance. Unfortunately, 
sufficient definitive information was not available to permit a detailed 
analysis of these cases. 

Correlograms of » y , (X/Q) p , and (X/Q) p u versus downwind 

distance in terms of <rg and Rig for the lower-level urban location are 
shown in Figures 1 through 4. Similar plots in terms of travel time 
are presented as Figures 5 through 8. Also, for this urban site, cor- 
relograms of Vy, <r z , and (X/Q) p versus downwind distance are given 
in Figures 9 through 11 as functions of Pasquill-Turner stability classes 
as functions of modified Brookhaven gustiness classes they are given 
in Figures 12 through 14. Relations (not shown) in terms of travel time 
for these other indices were similar to those in Figures 5 through 8. 

The scatter of dispersion data points about best-fit lines was 
greater in terms of meteorological indices computed at peripheral or 
semirural locations than for the same indices at the lower-level urban 
locations. Relationships for the dispersion data in terms of indices at 
the upper-level urban location were similar to those in terms of the in- 
dices for the corresponding lower-level location. 

In Figures 1 through 14 the following additional features are wor- 
thy of specific note: 



19 




1* J&W 





1. The ordering of data was poorest for the close-in sampling 
arcs at which multi-peaked or otherwise complex distributions in the 
cross-wind occurred in greater proportion than at more distant arcs. 

As previously noted, channeling of the airflow due to various locally 
induced circulations may be largely responsible for the appearance of 
such distributions. 

2. The scatter of data points about best-fit lines was much 
greater in <J Z than in the other correlograms. Since the actual vertical 
distributions of tracer material were largely unknown, the relative 
magnitude of such scatter was not altogether unexpected. 

3. When plotted according to travel time, data were grouped best 
into only "stable" and "non-stable" regimes, except for a z , which was 
ordered about as well by travel time as by downwind distance. 

4. In an earlier preliminary analysis of the dispersion data, 
Pooler (1966) found that values of v y , ordered only according to day- 
time and evening categories, were grouped about equally well in terms 
of downwind distance and of travel time, as shown in Figures 1 and 5. 

In these figures daytime is indicated with a very few exceptions by 
those points for which Ri-gi. 0. 01. As illustrated in Figures 2 and 6, 

»lu> orvlariuy ill ternm of daytime and evening \. , ate*i , "'le» i» better 

in terms of travel time than of downwind distance. 

5. Values of <r z and axial concentration that were considered to 
be significantly affected by a restrictive mixing layer were usually 
smaller and larger, respectively, than their non-affected counterparts 
under similar meteorological conditions, 

6. Only a slight improvement in ordering of data points was 
achieved through normalizing (X/Q) p by U. Since, however, as was noted 
earlier, the range of likely U's is not fully represented in the data here, 
the generality of this result and of that involving the ordering of ' z with 
distance and time may require further verification. 

7. The scatter of data points about best-fit lines was considerably 
greater for Paaquill-Tu'rner stability classes than for the other indices. 
For the modified Brookhavefi gustiness classes and the joint classes of 

and Rig, the scatter of data points about best-fit lines was quite 
similar. 



20 ' 




ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 




COMPARISONS WITH OTHER EXPERIMENTAL 
PROGRAMS 



The results (i. e. , the derived dispersion relationships) of the 
St. Louis tracer experiments can be compared with those of past "open 
country" programs for which the dispersion parameters are described 
by comparable meteorological indices. Specifically, the St. Louis 
results based on values of and Rig (Figures 1 and 3) are related to 
those of the Green Glow - Series 30 experiments (Fuquay et al. , 1964); 
the results according to Pasquill-Turner stability classes (Figures 9 
and 10) are compared with those of several programs as summarized 
by Pasquill (1961), modified slightly by Gifford (1961) and presented by 
Hilsmeier and Gifford (1962); and the St. Louis results according to 
modified Brookhaven gustiness classes (Figures 12 and 13) are related 
to those of the Brookhaven experimental program (Singer and Smith, 
1966). These comparisons (Green Glow, Pasquill-Turner stability, 
and Brookhaven gustiness) are illustrated in Figures 13 through 17. 

The analysis by Fuquay et al. (1964) is in terms of travel time. 

In view of the St. Louis experimental results, the Green Glow - Series 
30 data were analyzed in terms of downwind distance (Figure 15). Of 
the meteorological parameters considered (eg, H, <rg U, and a gradient 
Richardson number), dispersion in the cross wind for Green Glow - 
Series 30 was best described by <rg alone. Peak exposure (axial con- ■ 
centration) was best represented by joint measures of ag and the Rich- 
ardson number; peak exposure normalized by a H was not ordered as 
well. Data reported for the 12.8- and 25. 6 -kilometer arcs were con- 
sidered insufficient to facilitate a detailed analysis with respect to the 
meteorological parameters and hence were not used here. 

In Figure 16 the results of the St. Louis experiments are compar- 
ed with results of similar work in other areas. The grouping of the 
St. Louis, Johnstown, and Fort \yayne data herein was by Pasquill- 
Turner stability classes (Turner, 1964), which are merely more ob- 
jective expressions of the Pasquill classes in terms of readily avail- 
able meteorological variables. The solid curves are based upon data 
ordered by the Pasquill stability classes (Pasquill, 1961); those in 16a, 
and i6b. were originally presented by Gifford (1961) and in 16c. by 
Hilsmeier and Gifford (1962). 

Particularly in Figures 16a and 16b, note that the best-fit lines 
for Oy and e z for the St. Louis data are everywhere larger than those', 
for the open-country counterparts. When extrapolated to longer down- 
wind distances, the best-fit lines for approach their counterparts; 
those for Q z generally approach counterparts of stability one class 
higher. In Figure 16c, the dilution of (X/Q) p u in St. Louis over that in 






21 



i 

open country is greatest near the source and is greater for stable than 
for unstable meteorological conditions, as expected (Figures 16a and 
16b). Overall relations similar to those in Figure 16 are generally 
noted in Figures 15 and 17 despite the differences in terrain, sensor 
exposures, and response characteristics of equipment used in the 
various studies. Some of the apparent differences in Figure 17 can 
also be accounted for by the fact that Pasquill-Turner class A's and 
F's, which constitute a sizable fraction of the Brookhaven B;> and D 
class'members, respectively, were seldom represented in the data 
collected in the St. Louis experimental series. 

Values of dispersion parameters obtained in fluorescent particle 
tracer experiments in Johnstown, Pennsylvania (Smith, 1967), and 
Fort Wayne, Indiana (Csanady et al. , 1967), are also presented in 
Figure 16. The values are similar to those obtained in St. Louis 
under the same overall meteorological conditions. In Johnstown, dis- 
seminations were from a low-level point source in the urban arfea; in 
Fort Wayne they were from a 90 -meter-high, cross-wind line source 
located 1 mile upwind of the urban area. Values of<r z for this elevated 
line source that were reported for the 1-mile downwind distance (i. e. , 
at the upwind edge of the urban area) are not shown here; a direct com- 
parison of the other values, particularly for shorter distances, with 
those of low-level sources can be questioned since the effects Of local 
obstructions may not have become significant until the tracer plume 
reached near ground level. 

For the St. Louis experiments a ratio of peak to mean concentra- 
tions (P/M) was computed for each case in which the appropriate se- 
i quential sampler was on or quite near the mean centerline of a tracer 

cloud. The ratios were formed from the peak and arithmetic average 
(mean) values of concentration of the time-concentration histograms; 
intervals of beginning and ending "dribble" were excluded. Plots of 
P/M as a. function of downwind distance and travel time showed little 
variability, even when data were separated according to stability. 
Gifford (I960) presents similar results for ground-level emission 
sources. 

1 A plot of P/M as a function of the ratio of averaging time, t a , to 

sampling time, t s , is shown in Figure 18. Averaging time is the time 
interval required for passage of .the tracer cloud, excluding beginning 
■ and ending dribble. Sampling time is the finite time increment, 

i usually 1- or 2 minutes, over which the peak concentration was meas- 

j ured. In this figure, P/M values show a very slight tendency to in- 

crease with increasing t a /t s . The values of P/M vary from about 2 to 
6. Gifford (I960) shows similar values for ground-level sources; 
Singer et al. (1963) found that values decreased in proportion to in- 
’ creasing density of vegetation near receptors. 



22 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY U 



INITIAL DIMENSIONS OF TRACER CLOUD 



The effects of a building upon a plume generated in its vicinity 
have been studied extensively in wind tunnel experiments (e, g. , Halit - 
sky, 1963), More recently, a full-scale investigation was conducted 
in the atmosphere (Dickson et al., 1967). Essentially, these studies 
show that the primary effect is an enhancement close to the source of 
the size of the plume, hereafter referred to as the initial size of the 
plume. 

Pasquill -Gifford (Gifford, 1961) "C“ stability curves (e,g,, see 
Figure 16) for Vy and <r z and revised curves allowing for virtual travel 
distances corresponding to the specified initial cloud dimensions are 
presented in Figure 19. To facilitate comparisons, the best-fit "C" 
lines for the St. Louis tracer data (Figure 16) are also shown. The 
data in Figures 16 and 19 along with those in 15 and 17 indicate that the 
effect of the city on dispersion in the cross-wind is similar to the re- 
cognized effect of a single building near the source, although more 
complex. When the cloud becomes much larger than eddies created by 
the local obstructions, the extent of the dispersion, or rather Oy, close- 
ly converges to that associated with open-country flow; the initial en- 
hancement of plume size is presumably dependent on the width and 
height of the obstructions. A large initial dimension of the cloud and 
considerably enhanced dispersion is indicated in the vertical. The 
enhancement in the rate of dispersion over that in open country is 
greater in stable than in unstable meteorological conditions and is pre- 
sumably due largely to enhanced convective activity over the urban 
environs. 

In Figure 19, estimates of 50 to 60 meters for an initial Vy and 
20 to 30 meters for an initial e z for the somewhat diverse St. Louis 
locations appear reasonable. Relationships for the other stability 
classes are similar to those for "C." A Gaussian plume from a 
ground-level. point source with an initial depth (2. 15 <r z , where plume 
edge = 1/10 (x/Q)p) equivalent to the average building height of 40 to 
50 meters in downtown St. Louis would have a u z value of approxi- 
mately 20 meters. For a similar plume with an initial width (4. 3 «0 
equivalent to the length of a typical city block (160 meters), a <*y of 
roughly 40 meters would result; if the plume were oriented with the 
cross-wind direction diagonally across such a block, the initial value 
of Cy would increase to about 60 meters. Particularly in the down- 
town and older residential areas of cities, streets usually constitute 
the only significant relief between structures. 



23 



ll oS i aag- 



jjttfc- v • 0 

w8^.Mt&£t£'te-. 






j ■ 







* « 



a-0 , degrees 

30 + 

24 '29 
18 -22 
15 -20 
8 -13 




x, meters 



tC •*' 



10 B 

<*> ^ 



Figure 1. Cross-wind standard deviation of tracer material as a lunctlon 
of downwind distance In terms ol standard-deviation of wind 
direction fluctuations (» e ) and bulk Richardson number (Rig). 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 




x, meters 



Figure 2. Effective vertical standard deviation of tracer material as a 
function of downwind distance In terms of standard deviation 
of wind direction fluctuallon3 (<jg) and bulk Richardson 
number (Hi g). 




Initial Dimensions of Tracer Cloud 










x, meters 



Figure 3. Relative axial concentration as a function of downwinddistance 
in terms of standard deviation of wind direction fluctuations (<rg) 
and bulk Richardson number (Rig), 



ST, LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 






0. meters 







L_ 

Figure 5. 




5 



10 2 5 10 3 

TRAVEL TIME, seconds 



5 10 4 



Cross-wind standard deviation of tracer material as a function 
of travel time In terms. of standard deviation of wind-direction 
fluctuations (ee) and bulk Richardson number (Rig). 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 




u. meters 




Figure 8. Normallaed relative axial concentration as a function ol travel 

time in terms of standard deviation of wind direction fluctuations 
(o g ) and bulk Richardson number (Rl 0 ). 



Initial Dimensions of Tracer Cloud 



31 



“Fi" 





x, maters 



Figure 10. 



Effective vertical standard deviation of tracer material as a 
function of downwind-distance In terms of Pasqulll - Turner 
stability classes. 



Idillal Dimensions of Tracer Cloud 





x, meters 



Figure 12. 



Iross ■ wind standard. deviation ol tracer material as a 

M Hmiumwlnd distance in terms ot modified SrooK 



haven gustiness classes. 



Initial Dimensions of Tracer Claud 






x, meters 



Figure 13. 



Elective vertical standard deviation of tracer material as 
a function of downwind distance In terms of modified Brook- 
haven gustiness classes* 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 





X, meters 



Figure 14. 



Relative axial concentration as a (unction of downwind distance 
in terras of modlfled-Brookhaven gustiness classes. 



Initial Dimensions of Tracer Cloud 





The grouping of the St. Louis, Johnstown, and Fort Wayne data in Fig- 
ure 16 was by Pasquill-Turner stability classes (Turner, 1964), which 
are really only more objective expressions of the Pasquill stability 
classes (Pasquill, 1961) in terms of readily available meteorological 
variables. The solid curves are based upon data ordered by the Pas- 
quill stability classes; those in Figures 16a and 16b were originally 
presented by Gifford (1961), and those in Figure 16c by Hilsmeier and 
Gifford (1962). 






— PASQUILL-GIFFORD 

10 7 — ST- LOUIS 

5 — 



S 10 2 



5 10 3 



Vv 

iiiiiiil 

5 10< 



Figure 16 (c). Comparison of the results of the St. Louis tracer experiments with those 
summarized by Pasquill and Gifford (1961). 



ST, LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 







Figure 17. Comparison of results of St. Louis tracer experiments with those 
of Brookhaven experiments (Singer and Smith, 1966). 



Initial Dinrensldas of Tracer Cloud 






Figure 18. Hallo of peak to mean concentration as a function of ratio 
of averaging time to sampling time. 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 






44- is blank. 



CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 



Results of the St. Louis Dispersion Study reported here support 
the following conclusions regarding dispersion of airborne material 
emitted from low-level point sources in urban areas: 

1. Dispersion can be readily described by commonly utilized 
meteorological indices of turbulence. The. more detailed indices for 
urban locations appeared to be most representative. 

2. In terms of the meteorological indices of turbulence, cross- 
wind dispersion is better described as a function of downwind distance 
than of travel time, whereas vertical dispersion is described about as 
well by travel time as by downwind distance. It should be noted, how- 
ever, that Pooler (1966) found, for an overall classification of experi- 
ments simply as daytime or evening, that cross-wind dispersion was 
expressed about as well in terms of travel time as of downwind dis- 
tance, whereas vertical dispersion was expressed better in terms of 
travel time. 



3, The urban area affects cross-wind dispersion primarily by 
enhancing the 6ize of the initial plume. When the plume becomes much 
larger than the size of eddies created by the local obstructions, the 
extent of the dispersion approaches that associated with flow over open 
country. In the vertical, significantly enhanced dispersion as well as 

a large initial spread of the plume result; the enhancement in the rate 
of dispersion over that in open country is somewhat greater for stable 
than for unstable meteorological conditions and, presumably, is due 
largely to enhanced convective activity over the urban environs. 

4, Restrictive mixing layers (e.g. , inversion aloft) can signifi- 
cantly alter the values of affected vertical dispersion parameters and 
concentrations of airborne material near the surface. 



Dispersion from low-level sources in urban areas for downwind 
distances of less than about 1/2 mile is conjectural. Here, the effects 
of local roughness elements should be most pronounced. Specifically, 
initial cloud dimensions as affected by factors such as building width 
and height and building density should be ascertained, and the effects 
of complexes rather than single structures should be catalogued. 

The effects of urban areas on dispersion of plumes from elevated 
sources, particularly at the shorter downwind distances, may differ 
markedly from those suggested for lower-level sources, and hence may 
require independent investigation. As mentioned earlier, the effects 




of local obstructions may not become significant until a plume nearly 
reach.es the ground. At this point the plume may also be so large that 
the locally created eddies are not significantly effective in dispersing 
it. In addition, as the effective source height increases, different 
stability regimes about which little is known are encountered. 

The analyses reported herein concerning data collected during 
the St. Louis Dispersion Study are not considered to be exhaustive. It 
is hoped that the body of data can serve a useful purpose for the appli- 
cation of more advanced analytical techniques, which are certain to be 
developed by meteorological science in the future. 



46 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY U 



ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 



Sincere appreciation is due the personnel of the Meteorology 
Program, National Air Pollution Control Administration for their 
support, suggestions, and encouragement during the conduct of this 
j research. The authors also wish to thank F. A. Gifford, W. C. 

1 Culkowski, and F. B. Smith (Visiting Scientist, British Mete oro- 

j logical Office) of the Environmental Science Services Administration's 

I Air Resources Atmospheric Turbulence and Diffusion Laboratory, Oak 

~ Ridge, Tennessee, for many helpful comments. 

I 



i 




1 





REFERENCES 



Cramer, H. E., 1959: Engineering estimates of atmospheric dispersal 
capacity. AIHI Journal, 20, 183-199. 

Csanady, G. T. , G. R. Hilst, and N. E. Bowne, 1967: The diffusion 
from a cross-wind line source at Fort Wayne, Indiana. Unpublished 
Report. Travelers Research Center, Hartford, Connecticut. 

Dickson, C. R., G. E. Start, and E. H. Markee, Jr., 1967: Aerodyna- 
mic effects of ERB II containment vessel complex on effluent concen- 
tration. Paper presented at the USAEC Micrometeorological Infor- 
mation Meeting, Chalk River Laboratories, Ontario, Canada, Sep- 
tember 11-14. 

Fuquay, J. J. , C. L. Simpson, and W. T. Hinds, 1964: Prediction of 
environmental exposure from sources near the ground based on Han- 
ford experimental data. J. Appl. Meteor., 3, 761-770. 

Giblett, M. A. etal. , 1932: The structure of wind over level country. 
Meteorological Office Geophysical Memoirs No. 54. 

Gifford, F. A., I960: Peak .to average concentration ratios according 

to a fluctuating plume dispersion model. Int. J. of Air Pollution, 3, 
253-260. 

Gifford, F. A., 1961: The problem of forecasting dispersion in the 

lower atmosphere. AEC Division of Technical Information Extension, 
Oak Ridge, Tennessee, 28 pp. 

Grinnel, S. W. , 1965: The influence of daytime travel conditions on the 
detectability of fluorescent particulate material. Technical Report 
No. 115, Metronics Associates, Inc., Palo Alto, California. Con- 
tract. No. {DA-42 -007-AMC-2 1 (Rj ). U.S. Dugway Proving Ground. 

Hilsmeier, W. F. , and F. A. Gifford, 1962: Graphs for estimating 
atmospheric dispersion. Oak Ridge, Tennessee, AEC, Division of 
Technical Information, ORO-545. 

Halitsky, J. , 1963: Gas diffusion near buildings: theoretical concepts 
and wind tunnel model experiments with prismatic building shapes. 
Geophysical Laboratory No. 63-3. New York University, New York, 
N. Y. 



I 



Lettau, H. H. , 1957: Computation of Richardson Numbers , classifica- 
tion of wind pj-ofiles, and determination of roughness parameters. 

In: Exploring the Atmosphere's First Mile, Vol. 1, Instrumentation 
and Data Evaluation, edited by B. Davidson and H. H. Lettau, 
Pergamon Press, New York, N. Y. , pp. 328-332. 

List, R. J. , 1963: Smithsonian Meteorological Tables. Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 114. Smithsonian Institution, 
Washington, D. C. , 6th rev. ed., 527 pp. 

Markee, E. H. , Jr. , 1963: On the relationships of range to standard 
deviation of wind fluctuations. Monthly Weather Review, 91. 83-87. 

Panofsky, H. A., and G. W. Brier, 1963: Some applications of Statis- 
tics to Meteorology . College of Mineral Industries, Pennsylvania 
State University, University Park, Pa., 223 pp. 

Pasquill, F. , 1961: The estimation of the dispersion of windborne 
material. Meteor. Mag. , 90, 33-49. 

Pooler, F. , Jr., 1966: A tracer study of dispersion over a city. 

JAPCA, 16, 677-631. 

Schiermeier. F. A. , 1967: A study of the urban heat island over the 
Saint Louis metropolitan area. MS Thesis in Meteorology. Saint 
Louis University, St. Louis, Mo. 

Slade, D. H. , 1965: Dispersion estimates from pollution releases of a 
few seconds to 8 hours in duration. U. S. Dept, of Commerce, ESSA, 
Air Resources Laboratory Report No. 1, Technical Note No. 2, 
Washington, D. C, 

Singer, I. A., I. Kozuhiko, and R. G. Del Campo, 1963: Peak to mean 
concentration ratios for various terrain and vegetation cover. JAPCA , 
13, 40-42. 

Singer, I. A., and M. E. Smith, 1953: Relation of gustiness to other 
meteorological parameters . J. of Meteor. , 10, 121-126. 

Singer, I. A. ,’ and M. E. Smith, T966: Atmospheric dispersion at 

Brookhaven National Laboratory. J. of Air and Water Pollution, 10, 
125-135. 

Smith, D. B. , 1967: Tracer study in an urban valley (Johnstown, Penn-' 
sylvania), MS Thesis in Meteorology. Pennsylvania State Univer- 
sity, University Park, Pa, 

Turner, D. B., 1964: A diffusion model for an urban area. J, Appl. 
Meteor. , 3, 83-91. 




50 



ST. LOUIS DISPERSION STUDY II 



Vaughan, L. M. , and R. W. McMullen, 1968: The physical analysis 
of particle size distributions from field samples obtained during 
St. Louis fluorescent particle tracer experiments. Technical 
Report No. 145, Metronics Associates, Inc., Palo Alto, Calif. 
(Performed under U.S. Dept. Commerce contract CWB-11408). 



t 

i 



t 



i 



.1 



References 



61 



i 



1*U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE ; 1969 O - 334-056 



db-bMl ai-oi 




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SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL INFORMATION 

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CLASSIFICATION CHANGED 

JO UNCLASSIFIED 
FROM SECRET 

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ASTI A TAB NO 'J63 -^-4 

DATE 15 no /. 63 




it* 




NOTICE: When government or other drawings, speci- 

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other than in connection with a definitely related 
government procurement operation, the U. S. 
Government thereby incurs no responsibility, nor any 
obligation whatsoever; and the fact that the Govern - 
ment may have formulated, furnished, or In any way 
supplied the said drawings, spec Lficaticna, or other 
data is not to he regarded by implication or other- 
wise as In any manner licensing the holder or any 
other person or corporation, or conveying any rights 
or permission to manufacture, use or sell any 
patented Invention that may in .-jay way be related 
thereto. 







30 



e-tri -US.-. 






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J 

d 

-a: 



.x> 

-3:: 



BMSIFIED 



SEctanV INFORMATION 



THIS DOCUMENT CONTAINS INFORMATION AFFECTING THE 
X, DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES WITHIN THE MEANING 
fl h PIONAGE LAWS, TITLE 18, U.S.C., SECTIONS 793 and 794. 
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Copy 30 of ) 0 , Serlea A 

Thia document consists 
of 1?6 pages 



CHEMICAL CORPS, 0. S. ABXT 



BEHAVIOR OP AEROSOL CLOUDS WITHIN CITIES 



Joint Quarterly Report No. 1* 
April - June 1953 

Submitted byi 






Page 2 




r 

k 



r 



M 




1 



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i 



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StCU»:lT INPOIMATION 










CONTENTS 






. 








Page No. 


: 




Tins PAOB 




1 






CONTESTS 




3 


i 




LIST OP TABLES 




h 






LIST OK TUTUAL ILLUSTRATIONS 




5 




I. 


SUMMARY 










A. Operational and Administrative Progress 




6 






B. Evaluation of Vinter Prograa in Minneapolis 




8 


© 


II. 


FIELD OPERATIONS AND MANAGEMENT 










A. Administration 




n 






B* Meteorological Surreys 




17 






C. Field Testa 




2lt 




in. 


VINTER AEROSOL TESTS IN MINNEAPOLIS 










A. Stwmary and Scope of Operations 




33 


1 




B« Test Sites 




38 


j 




C, Evaluation of Aerosol-Cloud Behavior in Minneapolis 


$2 




APPENDICES 










A 0 Able Area, Minneapolis 




68 






Bo Baher Area, Hinneapoliu 




90 






C. Charlie Area, Minneapolis 




128 


j 




D. Deg Area, Minneapolis 




1U0 


j 

) 




E„ Cityvida p Minneapolis 




179 


] o 










f 

j 




-seeftET • 




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SU.USITY !>tf OlMATION 



£_ i r'j^rir « K &+. *- . *Z^iZtt'**J**7 •iXJZmKZ. 



SECRET 

5£CUtlir INFORMATION 



LIST OF TABLES 



Tibia lo. 


Title 


pc^a Hop 


II-l 


Field Office Manhours, Minneapolis 


12 


ir-2 


Field Office Manhours, St. Louie 


13 


II-3 


Field Office Manhours, Winnipeg 


lie 


n-ii 


Mesoaetecrological Surveys, Minneapolis - 
St. Louie - Winnipeg 


19 


ii-5 


Sumary of Data on St. Louie Tracer Teste 


26 


m-i 


Suasary of Data for Selected Vinter Aaron ol- 
Tracer Tests in Kinneapolie 


3U 


m-2 


Ssdian Values and Bangs of Values of C fear 
Selected Wind Speed Ranges 


55' 


m-3 


Values of CWID*mph per Qraa at 1000-yard 
Downwind Distance by Areas, by Tine of 
Day, and by Type of Source 


59 




ni-U 


Variation of Relative Dosages with Height 


63 


m-5 


Mean Relative Dosages in Selected Height 
Ranges for Three Dog Area Tests 


6L 


III--6 


Inside Dosages Relative to Outside. Dosages 
at the Same Height Lsvel 


65 


m-7 


Percentage Frequencies of Inside Dos ages 
Relative to Outside Dosages at the Saas 
Height Level 


67 




E-l 


Building Data for Citywide Tests, 7T ? 5 0022 
and 0023 


196 



5ECRuT 

stcuRiir information 



Rage U 





) 

i 



i ■£ w Z 





SECRET 

JECUItTY INfOftMATlON 




LIST 


OF TEXTUAL I L L U S T R A T I 0 I S 




Figure IfO* 


Tltla 


page lo* 


Frontispiece 


Aerial View of Minneapolis, Vinter 


2 


m-i 


Test-Area Locations In Minneapolis 


39 


TTT-2 


Topographic Map of Baker Area, Minneapolis 


U1 


m-3 


Aerial View of Baker Area, Htnneicalls 


1*2 


m-U 


Topographic Map of Charlie Area, Minneapolis 


1*1* 


m-5 


Aerial View of Charlie Area, Minneapolis 


1*5 


m-6 


Topographic Map of Dog Area, Minneapolis 


1*8 


rn-7 


Aerial View of Dog Area, MLinec x>lie 


1*9 


m-a 


Oblique Aerial View of Downtown Minneapolis 
with Building Descriptions 


50=51 


m°9 


Relationship Between Vind Speed and the 
Product of Dosage per Graa and an Exponential 
Power of the Area Enclosed Within the Oi-ran 
Dosage Ieopleth 


53* 


m>io 


Dosage-Area Relationships for Daytiae Re- 
leases in Minneapolis and in Salisbury, 
England 


57 


m~n 


Relationship Between cyTD»®ph per Ora* 
and Downwind Distance for FT 0020 


61 




SECRET 

SECURITY mfCtMATJON . 


P«g« 5 




i r.ttfrto. 






-f 

S£CU«ITY INfOIMAflON 




I. SUHHARI 

A. OPERATIONAL AND 1EWNISTRATI7E PROGRESS 
1. Field Teat CitiM 

In Minneapolis, the winter aeroaol-test program for 1952-53 was brought to 
* close upon completion of the twenty-third field test (and the associated 
sixty-third svosomsteorolcgical survey), in which the sixty-third release of 
fluorescent-particulate naterial (NJZ 2266) was made since the inception of 
current studies in aerosol-cloud behavior. 





Necessary equipaent was shipped from Minneapolis to St* I/juis, and, at the 
close of the present -quarterly period, 10 independent temperature surveys 
had been completed, U wireaonda sites had been selected, and 35 releases con- 
stituting 17 field tests, with their complementary measurements of the hori- 
zontal and vertical temperature gradients, had been made. These tests were 
conducted in How and I tea Areas, two sites selected from a gonaral five- 
square -mile tost area to serve as the counterparts of Able and Dog Areas in 
Minneapolis, respectively residential-commercial and downtown. Of the 35 
releases which comprised afternoon, predawn, and mostly nighttime operations, 
two were made on a citywide scale. 

Cooperative action on the part of the Canadian Defence Research Board, Civil 
Defence authorities, and municipal officials enabled eetablishaent of field 
quarters in Winnipeg. I a* the results of four aesoaeteorological surveys, 
a characteristic temperature structure was determined, viresonde stations 
•were established, and sites suitable for aerosol -cloud studies employing the 
fluorescent-tracer technique were tentatively selected. 



SECUtltY INfOtMATlON 



6 








SECRET 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



2. Plana 

A anmer aerosol -test prograa la scheduled for Minneapolis » In St. Louie, 
where additional quarters hare been Bade available, tentatir# arrangeaents 
hare been made for possible fluorescent-particle releases within the St* 
Louis industrial eoeplar during the fall of 1SS3. Field testing is also 
contemplated for Winnipeg, field-teat personnel to include 62 part-tine 
workers* Data obtained fro® the St. Louis and Winnipeg operations will 
be processed in the Minneapolis office* 



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S£CU*iTY INJOIMaIIOH 



Page 7 






SECRET 

StCUtITT INPOIMATION 

B. K7A1UATI0N OF WINTER PROGRAM IH HTNNBJLP0LI3 

Of the 63 releases (23 field testa) constituting the winter aerosol-test 
program in Minneapolis, 3U releases hare bean sele.-'ca from lit tests for 
eralnation in the present report. These releases of NJZ 2266, comprising 
both point and line -source dispersals from a s tar face -mounts d blower disper- 
ser, and including four releases on a citywide scale, were made in four 
selected areas of varying topographical and land-use characteristics. In 
the evaluation of wintertime aerosol-cloud behavior, boms consideration 
haa been given to St, Cloud raob soundings and to associated measurements 
of the horizontal and vertical temperature gradients . Primary considera- 
tion haa been given to the results obtained from samplers exposed at sur- 
face level, for studying horiso»U$. distribution of aerosol dosages} at 
varying heights, for investigating vertical distribution of aerosol dosages} 
at different locations within buildings, for ascertaining the degree of 
dead penetration} and with filter units exposed sequentially both inside 
and outaide buildings, for verifying (along with several tine-resolution 
samplers) that the length of the sa m pling periods was sufficient to en- 
sure complete sampling of the aerosol cloud. 

Ponding further confirming data, the following observations may be made* 

1. Dosage patterns are similar for releases made from a given point 
within a three or four-hour period, provided there are no marked 
charges in wind or stability conditions, When a release is made 
in or upwind of a river gorge, the aerosol cloud is displaced 
laterally and the dosage pattern, therefore, is somewhat altered, 

SECRET ?*ۥ 8 

SF<"Uinr INFOtMAilON 








>3 o con- 



j»can 



'«g« 9 



SECRET 

JtCU*IIY INfOIMATIC . * 

2. For comparing the areas covered w ^ven dosages, compensation 
for the effects of vied velocity by simple multiplication of 
Ct/ga by aph appear* to be satisfactory for wind speeds up to 

6 aph, but gives values vfaich are to large at higher velocities. 

3. Comparison of CVH> valuss (croasvind integrated dosages computed 
for releases at regular intervals of ’istanee downwind to the 
limits of the sampling anv *a) indicates significant differences 
only when daytime releases are made in a residential area (with 
resulting low values) and when nighttime releases are made in an 
open area (with resulting higher values). CWID values for re- 
leases from points and short lines are more nearly comparable 
than those for point and long line releases. 

U. Where comparisons are possible for tests conducted under similar 
conditions, there are no apparent sigrtiu 'cant differences be- 
tween the values expressing the . alationahip of area and dosage 
per gram for point-source releases of 1.5 to 13 o 3 grama and for 
short line releases of 1U.3 to 23 5 grams. 

5. Within the height ranges of building® used in studies of cloud 
attenuation and at the given downwind distances from the source, 
there seems to be no significant decrease of dosage with height 
in built-up areas. 

6. Results from one test indicate that un_er generally unstable con- 
ditions, increased instability due to high building density can 
cause a rapid dissipation of the aerosol cloud. 



SECRET Pag* 9 

stouitir information 





SECRET 

StCU*UY INfOIMXIION 



7» Penetration of downtown buildings by the aerosol cloud does 
not appear to be a function of height and does not differ 
appreciably front that noted within structures located in a 
residential area* 



SECRET 

SfCUIITY INfOtMATION 



.Pig* 10 





TFCttfT 



itcuiitr infoiMAiiON 

II. TULD OPERATIONS AKD MmCSXZHT 
A. AOCDCISTKATIOM 

1. Organisation 

Tber* were no additions to the full-tima field office personnel during- 
the current report period. The organisation remains at lit full-time 
employees in Minneapolis and one in St. Louie. 

X a of 31 Kerch, the total number of part- tine employees in Kinneapolia 
vae l 80 . Durlrg the current period, only two aeroeol testa and the 
corresponding meteorological surreys were performed in Minneapolis. Sev- 
eral part-time employees normally assigned to perform field work were 
trained for and utilised in laboratory analysis work. In Kinneapolia the 
major portion of the field force was inactive pending resumption of test 
activity in the summer. During the period, eight people were hired and 2$ 
were separated, leaving a total of 163 on record as of 30 June* 

At the start of the currant quarter, as reported in JQS 3, the part-time 
force in St, Louis cumbered 53* Sooa 1$7 people were hired, and 13 were 
terminated, leaving 197 employees on record at the end of the quarter. 

In Winnipeg, 62 part-time workers were hired in the month of June, repre- 
senting mainly the men used in preliminary meteorological curve ye but in- 
cluding those initially hired for the field test crew. 

Tables II-l, II-2, and II -3 show both full-time and part-time manhours 
expended in the current period in Minneapolis, St. Louis, and Winnipeg „ 
respectively, broken down by months and activities, 

^ &c et reT 

5ECU*ny )N»0*MATION 



11 




FIELD OFFICE HAKHOUBS 



SECRET 

SECURITY INFORMATION 






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SECRET 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



?s«* 12 



FIELD OFFICE MANHOUES 



• '/lQCT 

SECUiiTY INEulMATJON 



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-^fcCRlT 

SECURITY INfOlMATiOH 



P*«e 13 



Part-time 61 *9 U+20 6010 11079 13517 







SCCUtl 7Y INFORMATION 




T WRCT lit 

SECURITY INFORMATION 




- S gCR f T 

SICUIITT IHFOtMATfOK 



2. Facilities 

For performance of aerosol testa in St. Louie, additional space of approxi- 
mately 3^00 square feet was procured on a month-to-aonth rental basis. Thia 
additional space adjoins the existing field office in the second-floor garage 
at 5589 Pershing Avenue, and includes 5 00 square feet of office space to 
accomodate the functions of aerosol- test administration. The balance of the 
space is open-garage area for the equipment assembly area, c raw assembly area, 
battery-charging room, instrument and tool crib, and the laboratory. The 
latter three rooms are of light knock-down construction, with wall and co ilin g 
panels prefabricated in Minneapolis. It was anticipated that these enclosures 
would be utilised at* field offices remote from Minneapolis, and, therefore, 
were constructed to permit easy assembly, disassembly, and transportation. The 
only addition to the St. Louis office to permit initiation of aerosol tests, 
other than mentioned above, was a 220-volt, 3 -phase eleotrical power service 
to the battery-charging generators* 




Some 12 , 000 pounds of equipment and facilities were shipped by one motor van 
from Minneapolis to St, Louis. Included in the shipment wore all sampling 
units, two battery-charging generator*, meteorological instruments, tools, 
supplies on hand, prefabs, end office equipment. The complete more and re- 
establishment of this siseable amount of equipment and facilities was accom- 
plished in less than a week without significant damage to the transported 
goods. At the end of the current period, with St. Louis tests completed, 
facilities and equipment were in the process of transfer directly to Winni- 
peg by a similar type of transportation. 

' Page 15 

»CU*ITt INfO«MATION 





-see*!? 

StCUtITt INFORMATION 

For project operations in Winnipeg , quarters were procured by the Director 
of Civil Defence of Winnipeg. The space consists of approximately 3000 
square feet in two adjacent temporary buildings at Stevenson Air Field, 
some 3^ miles vest of downtown Winnipeg. These buildings are occupied in 
part by the Air Cadet League of Canada to which the buildings are assigned. 
Various store rooms and assembly rooms are used for arial ni atratlon , equip- 
ment preparation and assembly, and laboratory functions. The arrangement 
has bean extremely satisfactory* Adequate parking space is available adja- 
cent to the buildings, facilitating loading of sampling equipment and car- 
mounting of meteorological instruments. A 220-volt, 3-pbase electrical 
service was installed from an outside pole line to one of the buildings 
for the battery chargers, 

3. Security 

Ho special security measures were instituted in connection with the Winni- 
peg operation, inasmuch as all evaluation of filters and computing of 
meteorological and field-test data are performed in Minneapolis. 



-searTT" 

SeCUtlTT INfOIMATION 



Pcge 16 










,-ttiCgET- 

SICUIITY IN/0«MATI0N 



B. METE OBO LOG ICJLL SUHVEI3 
1* General 

The purpose of the mesoxeteorological surreys conducted during the 
current period was to determine the horizontal and vertical teapera- 
ture distributions to serve as a basis for the selection of aerosol- 
tost sitae in St, Louis and Winnipeg, and to obtain data both for de- 
termining any possible effect of those distributions on the diffusion 
of acres ol clouds in Minneapolis and St, Louis and for investigating 
the distributions in various weather situations in Minneapolis 

and St, Louis. 

In order to obtain the temperature data, traverse routes in all three 
cities ware designed to include the business area, most of the residen- 
tial area, and sufficient undeveloped area to enable the establishment 
of the characteristic distributions which affect aerosol diffusion. It 
was found that eight routes were necessary for n d nimn a coverage in St, 
Louis, and the routes were redesigned accordingly prior to starting the 
aerosol-cloud tests. Only five instruaonta were available for the Minne- 
apolis tests, although a wlirtmua of six routes will be necessary for sum- 
mer teats. It was found necessary to design six routes for Winnipeg tests. 
As in the past, four to eight circuits were made on each route in accord- 
ance with the requirements of each field test. Wiresonde ascents were 
also conducted in both business and undevelcped-aroa locations, ascents 
being made once each hour to coincide with traverse operations. 



5£€R£T ‘ page 17 

SECUIITY INFORMATION 







2, Teat Date 

Table U-U liata the three aesoneteorologioal survej-s conducted In Hirme- 
apolia In the current period, the four surveys conducted in Winnipeg, and 
the 2$ aurreya in St, Louis, This table shews the pertinent statistic* 
on the number of route a, runs, vireaonde ascents, saps obtained, and maa- 
houra expended during the period for various phases of the operation in 
connection with these surreys. The manhours expended during the current 
period on surreys conducted in previous periods ere not included* 

3, Public Relations 

Meetings wsre held with various city officials of St, Louis for the pur- 
pose of completing arrangements for viresonde and field-test operations. 
Minor difficulties with the Park Cosmisaioner were ironed out with the 
completion of the change in city administration. The St, Louis police de- 
partment was quite cooperative at all times, and the fire department aided 
in the recovery of a kytoon and thermistor which had become entangled in 
a tree during gusty winds. The public showed considerable interest when 
Forest; Park had to be used for the undeveloped-area viresonde site. How- 
ever, no incidents of consequence occurred. 

Civil Defence and city officials of Winnipeg and surrounding municipalities 
were exceptio nally cooperative in helping to initiate mesoaeteorologlcal 
operations in that city. As a result, considerable interest was shown by 
the press and the public. Traverse car operations evoked little interest. 
However, the first viresonde ascants drew quite a large crowd, one teenage 



Sicumr )IJf OIMATtOH 





xS££ft£J " 

SfCUtirr INFO 1MATIOM 



•ai>er of vhich had to be restrained from using the kytoon as a target for 
bia bow and arrow. Subsequent use of sore remote locations eliminated 
this difficulty, 

U, Traverse-Route Planning 

Tha general principles of traverse-route planning, as discussed in JQR 3, 
applied directly to all route planning completed during the current peri- 
od, Additional factors exerting considerable influence on such p l a nni ng 
in Winnipeg were the number of unpared streets, which became impassable 
during and after rainstorms, the existence of traffic bottlenecks at brid- 
ges and railroad underpasses, and the large number of mapped streets that 
s* i not exist. The routes as finally designed areraged 17 to 20 miles, 
but the coverage of each route was not as conpre ha naive as similar routes 
in Minneapolis because of the aforementioned factors. 

The new routes designed for St. Louis early in tha current period were 
baaed largely on experience to date. Because of street patterns and 
traffic conditions, it waa necessary to limit these routes to 12 to 17 
,'les in length, 

5. Traverse Scheduling 

lie sched uling of traverses during the current period was conducted in 
ac ordance with the policy outlined in J3B 3» 



■fee per. 

• J ■« WTTfcl 

SKUttTY INFOIMATTON 



P*gQ 20 






SECRET 

SfCUUTT INFORMATION 



6. Selection of Wiresonde Sites 

In accordance vitb the principles discussed in JQR 3, wiresonde sites were 
selected in both St* Lords end Winnipeg during the current period, the 
St. Louis business-area location was established on top of a two -story 
building on the northwest corner of Eighth and Delmar, Tory near the cen- 
ter of the heat island. The undeveloped-area location was established in 
Forest Park in the lowest accessible spot, in alternate undeveloped-area 
location for use on Sundays or holidays was found at Wilaore Park on the 
south adge of the city, in additional site was located in the aerosol- 
test area on a three -story building on the northwest corner of Benton and 
Laffingvell. 

the business-area location selected in Winnipeg was the roof of the three- 
story Dominion Motors Building on the northwest corner of Fort and (Trahan, 
about 1000 feet frees the center of the heat island and on the edge of the 
laigh building area, i satisfactory undeveloped-area location was found 
:ln an open field on the northwest corner of Watt and Melrose in East 
i mHnnnw j three idle a north-northeast of the heat island. The coldest 
point in the area so era to be one-half mile further out, but trees pre- 
clude the use of wiresonde equipment there. 

7, Wiresonde Scheduling 

The scheduling of wires cade operations during the current period was strict- 
ly in accordance with the policy outlined in JQB 3« 



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SECURITY IN FORMAT* ON 



Page 21 




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stcuurr iHfotMAiiON 



6* Mobile Meteorological Stations 

The organisation, equipment, and function of mobile Meteorological* station* 
as used during the current period were covered in JQB 3. Various criteria 
for locating the surface-level stations vere tried in an effort to obtain 
the most representative data for use in evaluating the aerosol-test pat- 
terns. Hone of these criteria has given coapletely satisfactory results, 
and efforts are being continued to improve thmu Wind directions taken at 
the rooftop stations have been found to be mu oh more reliable both for plan- 
nir^ dispersal operations and for evaluating the results. 

9. Data Reduction and Analysis 

The procedures outlined in J5R 3 were followed in the current period. Data 
reduction and sap plotting were in progress at the end of the period. B at- 
ever, the analysis of many of the tests was not completed because of the 
immediate pressure of operating dutiee. With the completion of most of the 
organisational work, more time will be available for analysis in ceding 
months. 

10. Personnel 

JLs was anticipated, the tight labor market in St. Louis made it difficult 
to obtain adequate personnel, particularly responsible personnel. The scope 
of several cf the tests was limited by failure of esroloyaes to report for 
duty. It was necessary to discard some data because of obvious poor quality 
and incompleteness. The rapid personnel turnover, coupled with the generally 



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SECUIIIY INFOIMATION 



Page 22 





SECRET 

secular information 



disinterested attitude, suds It sxtreoeely difficult to retain even a na- 
elsus of trained people* 

In contrast, the Winnipeg situation was considerably better* An adequate 
nuaber of people vas available and a generally good attitude vas exhibited* 
Through the cooperation of the Official in Charge of the Weather Office, the 
serrlces of trained observers sure obtained vfao served as viresonde captains 
and Mobile >fet crews* 



SECRET 



SECURITY INFORMATION 






SECRET 

s«cu«irr iNfoiMAiiON 

c. mm tests 

1* Goner *1 

Durii*; the current period, testa to determine the bahrrior of aerosol 
clouds within cities were conducted principally in St. Louis, In Klnna- 
apoHs, on 28 April 1953# two releases were made on e dtywide scale, 
representing final winter operations in that city, 

Frees the general fiYe-squars-aile area selected for St. Louis aerosol 
tests as outlined in JQR 3, two separate testing sites were selected. A 
detailed description of these sites will be included in e subsequent quar- 
terly report catering summer operations in St, Louis, The two areas con- 
sisted essentially of a densely populated residential area including seise 
coamercial and manufacturing areas (designated How Area, the counterpart 
of Able Area in Jflnneapolis), and a downtown section encompassing most of 
the tall buildings in St. Louis (designated Its* Area, the counterpart of 
Dog Area in Minneapolis). 

A total of 17 field tests were conducted in which tracer material was re- 
leased 35 times. The initial test in which no tracer material was released 
consisted of two runs and was performed to train operating personnel and 
to obtain samples of background particulates in the St, Louis area. In the 
residential area 20 releases ware made, and in the downtown area 13 releases 
ware made. Two releases were made on a citywide basis. 

Operations for the . period in St. Louis represent a total of 50 field experi- 
ment hours (during which aerosol clouds ware being sampled), representing 

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SKl'SITY iNJ C IMATION 



Page 24 




il 



— 


y i 




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m 


[r •• -j 

Jr’ A 




SKUIHY INfOlMATIOM 


m 


j* > 

!- : 


© 






i 

; 




an expenditure of 7511 manhours of full-time and part-time personnel to 


m 


■ 




accasplish the field and laboratory phases of the program. It i« noted 




:• 

. 




that the field work va a completed in the current period, but the labora- 


m 


k 

: 




tory work vu only partially complete as of 30 June. Field tests were 




! 




conducted predominantly in the evening hours between 2000 and 2300 CST, 








with several supporting experiments being conducted in each area during 








the afternoon hours between 1300 and 1600 CST, and during the early 


«* 


‘ : 




morning hours between 0000 and 0500 CST. 


- 


• 

' 

. 




2. Test Data 








Table H-5 enumerates all field teste conducted in St. Louis during the 


mm 






period covered by this report. Pertinent statistics are given relative 


* 




© 


to the several main phases of a field operation and the attendant analysis 




> 




work. Total manhour expenditure figures in various operations and manhour 


«l 








figures per unit operation are presented. The test data for the one field 










test conducted in Minneapolis during tho currant period will be included 


lift 




• 




in a subsequent report with other Minneapolis testa. 


«l 




: 

i 

■ 




3. Public Halations 






: 




As previously outlined in JQR 1, advance meetings with St. Louis city of- 


• W 




i 




ficials were held in the fall of 1952 in preparation for conducting aero- 






; 




sol testa in that city. In April of 1953 meetings were again held with 


<Mi 




! 




representatives of the Kayor ( s office, with the Chief of Police and his 






[ 




representatives, and with members of the Park Board, during which the 


(M 








various phases of the summer test program were outlined. 


- 




.■ 


o 




• 




> 

h 




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“ 




1 




StCUtlTY IHFOIMATION 




#=~-=? ■ 

« !; 











SECUimr INFO*MAIION I 

In preparation for tha conduct of aerosol-cloud testa in industrial con- 
pi area in tha St, Louis area in the fall of 1953, meetings vara hold dur- 
ic^ the current period with officials of Monsanto Chemical Company, Socony- 
Yacuum Oil Company, Granite City Steel Carp,, and the Board of Aldermen of 
Granite City, Illinois, As a result of these meetings, the full coopera- 
tion of these industrial firms was extended to The Ralph M, Parsons Company 
in tha prosecution of the tasting program, with permission being granted 
by all firms for use of company properties for field-test sites. Tests 
are planned at a Monsanto plant located in St. Louis proper, representing 
u large chemicals manufacturing ^osplsxj at the Socony-Yacuna refinery 
:Ln East St. Louis, Illinois, representing a large petroleum refining ean- 
plexj and at tha Granite City Steel Corporation, representing a large 
steel manufacturing conplex, including blast furnaces, open hearth fur- 
naces, and blooming and rolling facilities. 

Much less public interest and curiosity was aroused by the field-teat 
phase of the program in St, Louis than was experienced in Minneapolis. 

How Area consists principally of a densely populated slum district, and 
initial operations in this area were planned with particular precautions 
being taken in tha arrangement of equipment and scheduling of manpower to 
minimize the possibility of loss of equipment. The Police Department re- 
quested that it be notified prior to each test in this area in order to 
bo prepared to quell any disturbance resulting from the presence of the 
test crew in the area. While the nature of the district justified such 
precautions for each operation, the whole program was conducted without a 

i: 

H 

single case of randalism or disturbance. Those residents in the H ov Area j 



-s e c k et 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



Page 27 



SECRET 

SKUtltT INFORMATION 



contacted for location of sampling equipment in homes were found to be 
extremely cooperative, 

Although the St. Louis press was cognisant of the test program being con- 
ducted, only a few small articles were printed during the period. Public 
interest was at a minimum. 

In preparation for conducting meteorological and aerosol-cloud tests in 
Winnipeg, representatives of the Chemical Corps, Stanford University, and 
The Ralph M, Parsons Company met in Kay of 1953 with a member of the Cana- 
dian Defence Research Board in Ottawa. The operating phases of the pro- 
gram were outlined, and at this tins formal authorisation was given to 
conduct the aerosol study in Winnipeg. 

The field office received the utmost cooperation from cognisant repre- 
sentatives of the Defence Board in setting up operations in Canada. Ex- 
tremely valuable guidance and assistance were received from Civil Defence 
authorities and municipal officials in Winnipeg. Only with such coopera- 
tion could the field testing program have been initiated in a foreign 
country in the short time available. 

U. Test Planning 

Field-test arrays in St, Louis have been devised generally in accordance 
with principles discussed in JQS 3, As previously stated, the extent to 
which a change in sampler array may be made in the field to accc=xodnt<J a 
general wind shift is controlled by time available for moving the equip- 
ment and by the adequacy of field cocsrunications. 



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SfCUlITT INFORMATION 



Pige 26 




SECRET 

SCCUtiTY 1NFOIMATION 

5« Sampling 

part-time ej^iloyeea hired an sssspler attendants in St, Louis were pre- 
dorrlnantly family men normally engaged in various private and civil 
occupations, in contrast to Minneapolis crews which consisted largely 
of college students. Because of the greater maturity of men available 
for hire* it was found possible in the initial Job interriews to select 
qualified men for field crew captains to supervise the sampler field 
crews* 

/ 

This group of crew chiefs was given instruction in operating procedures 
prior to initial assembly of the re Mining members of the crew, and these 
supervisors were delegated the responsibility of disseminating such opera- 
tional information to men under their cognizance at the initial training 
session. Hie advantages of this procedure offset the generally uninter- 
ested attitude prevalent among St. Louis part-time employees and permitted 
the organization of an efficient working force at the outset of the test- 
ing program. 

Bemain-lng aspects of the air-aaspling operation are described in OQH 3. 

During the latter part of the St. Louis series of aerosol tests, in addi- 
tion to the usual detailed sampling of the airborne cloud, clean glass 
plates for the measurement of fall-out were placed at five to six points 
up to IS00 feet dowmrind from the release point. These measurements were 
desired to obtain an estimate of the nature and magnitude of the fall-out 
of FP material occurring during the St. Louis aerosol tests and to compare 

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these data, with e in. .nr studies made in connection with the Stanford field 
experiment* (SOS 1856 -it). Results of this phase of the program will be 
treated in a subsequent Joint quarterly report on the St. Louis tests. 

6. Aerosol Gen. t-atioa 

Organisation of the urosol-generator crew remained a* described in 
JOB. 3. 

A procedure calculated to preclude the possibility of contamination by 
finer* aifst-trac ex material of field office premises, in addition to those 
outlined in JQR 3» involved the storing and charging of the generator bat- 
tery power pack at > location, of generator storage, remote from the field 
office. This procedure will be maintained during all forthcoming test 
periods. 

It was first no*sd in St. Louis that the finely powdered bulk NJZ 2266 
material has a tendency to clump badly under high humidity conditions, 
thus causing the material to feed poorly from the metering mechanism into 
the disperser gen ‘■■or. Unless special precautions are taken when opera- 

ting under high humidity conditions, the feed rates fall bolov those cali- 
brated for given operating voltages. To remedy this condition, the fluores- 
cent material is he i- ted in an cron until "fluffy* and is then stored in an 
air tight container » util ready for use in the field. 

7. Test Direction 

The field test direction pr cedures have remained as indicated in <&R 3. 



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8, Equipment Preparation 



la operational problem in St. Louis which did not arise in Minneapolis 
iraa the high ambient temperatures which limited the rate at which sam- 
pler batteries could be charged. With room temperatures consistently 
above 90° ? -day and night, t^e temperature of the electrolyte ca the 
batteries was found to reach the manufacturer's recommended maximum of 
110° ? after only two hours of charging, and would than increase to 
130° T and abore if allowed. In the interests of preserving battery life, 
it was necessary in such cases to shut down the charging generators after 
only a few hours of charging to permit the electrolyte to cool before re- 
TiTm-ing the charging operation. This procedure effectively limited the 
amber of oaaplers available for certain tests, 

9. Laboratory Analysis and Data Processing 

During the current period of field testing in St, Louis, all nieroscope 
analysis of exposed filters, computation of total dosages, and plotting 
of dosage distribution and wind-flow mips were performed in the Minneapo- 
lis office. Exposed membrane filters were mounted on slides and identified 
in the St. Louis laboratory and ware then shipped to Minneapolis for pre- 
liminary evaluation within a few days after a field test. Pertinent results 
were then communicated to the field tost director. In this manner, all worlc 
of a possibly classified nature was performed by cleared personnel away from 
the St, Louis office, and no special security measures incident to handling 
of classified material were required. 



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Filters exposed in certain teste in St* Louie here shown a high percentage 
of fluorescent particles of a green hue as contrasted with the distinctly 
yellow hue of the tracer material. Evaluation to date indicates that the 
locations at which the green particles are found bear no relation to tha 
path of the tracer aerosol and represent background contamination fro* ene 
to several unknown sources in the St* Louie area* 

General analysis procedures are outlined in JOE 3* 



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III, WINTER AEROSOL TESTS IN MINNEAPOLIS 
A. SUKMART AND SCOPE OF OPERATIONS 

The extensive winter aerosol-test prograa completed in the present quar- 
terly period consisted of 23 field teats, in which 63 independent re- 
leases of fluorescent-particulate material, frees either point or line 
sources, were nade in four selected areas of varying topographical and 
land-use characteristics. In addition to Able Area, essentially resi- 
dential as described in JQR 3, B$ker, Charlie, and Dog Areas — respectively 
residential, open, and bus ins ss — ware employed in the aerosol-cloud studies. 
Descriptions of the latter three areas are given below in Section m-B. 

Eighteen of the 63 releases constituting the winter aerosol-diffusion pro- 
gran were reported in JQS 3 J the regaining US releases (comprising 15 tests) 
nay be catalogued as follows, by n usher of tests, corresponding nuaber of 
releases, and testing site* 

2 tests (consisting of 6 releasee) conducted in Able Area; 

5 tests (l!i releases) in Baker Area; 

3 tests (12 releases) in Charlie Area; 

3 tests (9 releases) in Dog Area; and 

2 tests (ii releases) on a citywide scale. 

Of these b5 releases, 3U Lave been selected from lU tests for evaluation 
in the present reports They are suamariied below (Table HI-1) in terns 
of aerosol-generation data, meteorological conditions, and dosage-area 
information,, For each test, whenever warranted, the applicable isothem 
nap for an associated temperature surrey, the synoptic Meteorological 





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suisaary, St. Cloud raob Bounding, wiresonde graphs, adjusted dosage-area 
relationships, ieodosage charta, time-resolution graphs, and building 
summaries are given in the appropriate appendix deroted to the presenta- 
tion of data for all testa conducted in a given area (aee Appendices A-2). 
Evaluation of the complementary temperature surreya, in terms of Df, 

and other quantitative values, will be made in a later report. 

Unlike JOB 3, which described only point-source releases in one area (Able), 
the present report evaluates 11 line-source releases, as well as 23 point- 
source .releases from a vehicle-mounted blower disperser.* The length of 
Una release varied fron ISOO feet, aa in the case of FT 0019, to 7 miles, 
as in the case of the citywide test FT 0023. Hot only was Clinton School 
used for studies of aerosol-cloud penetration, as in Able test FT OOlii, 
but Pioneer Hall, a dormitory on the campus of the University of Minnesota 
(in Baker Area, FT 0019),** and seven downtown buildings (in Dog Area, 



*»fot included are FT 5 * 0016 a and 0016b, which were made from a roof- 
mounted disperser, as were the four releases (FT 5 s 0009b, 0010a, 0011a, 
and 0011b) reported in JQR 3» 

**On the isodosage charts for PT°s 0005a, 0005b, 0006 a, and 0006b (Appen- 
dix 3), there is no indication of the sampler array at Pioneer Hall, 
since the building was not in the path of the prevailing wind direction 
and hence of the aeroeol cloud 0 



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FT’s OOlSj 0016, and 0017) ware also employed. In addition, roof-located 
aaxplert were arrayed on some 20 buildings, in tha four line-soorca ra- 
le aa as of TT'a 0022 and 0023 (Table S-l). 

Lika tha testa eraluatad in tha last quarterly report, those described in 
tha present vara conducted at night and included predawn release* (PT's 
0017 and 0021). Sampler -array procedures for thasa testa were essentially 
unchanged frees those reported in JOB 3. For example, staplers in each of 
the downtown buildings, as in Clinton School and selected residences (JQH 
3), were placed at different height#, aoaa with holders extending beyond 
the windows for measuring Tertieal attenuation of the aerosol cloud, other# 
completely inside for measuring cloud penetration, and including those with 
filter units sequentially exposed during a given release. In Charlie, the 
open area used as site for on* series of teste, samplers were located on 
the ground, with filter holders generally fixed to stakes at the four-foot 
level. Though several samplers in certain teats had to be relocated out- 
side the stake area and hence wsre placed at tha sampling-unit level, all 
unit# are nonetheless considered within the usual classification, as out- 
side samplers at the one to six-foot elevation. Procedures for estimating 
the fluorescent-particle count were likewise unaltered, though soma diffi- 
culty in arriving at a more definite count resulted when melted ice or snow 
crystals on the filters exposed in the Charlie releases caused some parti- 
cles to menre to the edges of the filters. Dosages presented with tha sym- 
bol W (see Fig So C-3, C-10, C-ll, and also B-28) should therefore be re- 
garded as conservative low values. 



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Despite the broader scope of the aerosol teste presently considered, 
their specific objectives aro essentially the same as those listed for 
the tests evaluated in &B 3« They, too, were designed] 

1, to study hosrieontal distribution of the aerosol dosages near 
the surface under various regional and meteorological condi- 
tions) 

2, to ascertain the reproducibility of Isodosage patterns under 
given meteorological conditions; 

3, to determine the relationship between point and line-source 
releasee in a given area, i.e,, to determine whether the point- 
source data from these tests are additive and may be converted 
to line-souive or multiple-point cource data in any desired 
combination for estimating munitions requirements) 

1], to study, on a limited seals, vertical distribution of the 
aerosol dosages) 

5* to investigate, on a limited scale, penetration of bu il d in gs 
by the aerosol cloud) and 

6* to verify that the length of the sampling periods was sufficient 
to ensure complete sampling of the aerosol cloud* 



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={ { 




“ ;; 




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s •.<: 

?- ' | 

: '* 


3 


B. TEST SITES* 


l : 




1, Bator Ire a 


?■_ 

L 

L 




Baker Area, bisected by the Mississippi Hirer meandering in an S -shaped 


. 

L ( 




course from the northwest to the southwest corners, was selected for the 


t 




investigation of possible specific effects of the river on the local air* 






flow patterns and hence on the aerosol -dosage patterns, an compared with 






those obtained in Able Area, The Bator testing site is located apprari- 


- 




N mutely two Riles southeast of the downtown area (Dog), East of Cedar 






Avenue Bridge are the St. Anthony Falls, and below these are the locks 


- 




presently under construction. Along both sides of the river there ia 


; 




extensive deciduous tree cover which la particularly dense south of the 




0 


Washington Avenue Bridge, During the winter, the Mississippi is usually 


: 




frosen over for approximately two to three months, though such was not 


: m 

[ 




the case daring the period covered by this report. 


m 




The ground surface on either side of the river varies from 820 to 8i*6 






feet abovo sea level. Steep cliffs are located north of Washington 


m 




Avenue Bridge, on the east side of the river. The river surface, as 
represented on the topographic map of the area (Fig. m-2), is approod.- 


\ 




irately 8C to 100 feet below the general ground level. 


■am 


. 


The Oniversity of Minnesota is located on the east side of the tassiasippi 






and on both sides of Washington Avenue. The esepus is tree covered and j 


mm 

1 




includes large old brick buildings, and several buildings under construction 1 


■fl „ 
t- Q 

, H 


*See Figure m-1 for nap shoving location of test sites in relation to each ■ 

other. I 

ji 


■ 1 ; • \ 

\ \ n 

•i : •: H 


I 


* 

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In the southern section# The central heating plant is located on the 
river. Only the never buildings are air conditioned and equipped with 
eteel-eaah casement windows; double-hung, woe den-sash windows are gen- 
erally found in the regaining buildings* 

Railroads fora part of the industrial complex north of Washington Avenue 
and vast of the river. Only the Great Northern Line, running north of 
the University area, ia depressed beneath the street and the general 
ground surface. In addition, the industrial complex consists of coal 
docks, tank farsu^ steel and brick warehouses, steel mill b ui ld ing s, and 
grain elevators of reinforced concrete (Fig* III-3)* 

Beyond the industrial structures are residences and commercial buildings. 
The latter are generally Wo stories high, of brick construction, and are 
located along the main streets, predominantly at the intersections of 
poorly maintains d asphalt roads. The first floor of a commercial building 
is typically employed for business activities, while the second floor is 
put to residential use. The typical hose is a two-story wooden-frame 
structure, approximately 30 years old. Apartment bu i ldings are usually 
brick structures from three to eight stories high. 



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FIGURE HI -3 



AERIAL VIEW OF SAKER AREA, MINNEAPOLIS 



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2. Charlie Area 



Charlie Aren was selected as a test site to represent open flat terrain 
subject to the sane meteorological influences as the adjacent built-up 
area. It is located approximately eight miles south of downtown Minne- 
apolis, and is bounded by Highway* $ and 100 on the south, by Thirty- 
fourth Avenue South and Fort S nailing lational Cemetery on the east, by 
Seventieth Street on the north, and by Twenty-fourth Avenue South on the 
vest. These boundaries are the heaviest traveled roads affording access 
to the Wold-Chamberlain Municipal Airport to the northeast. 



The area consists of relatively flat terrain, with gradual variations in 
elevation from 806 to 81*0 feet above eea level. The lowest depressions 
are found in the south-central portion adjoining the nominal Belt Lira} 
highest elevations are found in the southveat corner. The relative even- 
ness of the terrain is further indicated by the A cross-section line (Fig. 
XH-h)} the deviation from the general level, either above or below, is 
not much greater than two feet. Variation in the B cross-section does not 
exoeed U* feet (813 - 832). 

In winter, snow depth over the area averages about one foot. The low spots 
are sometimes filled to a depth of 10 feet or more, while the relatively 
high section in the canter averages about 10 inches in depth. The lak* 
in the north-central portion of the area (Fig. m-5) comonly freeses 
over during the season. 

B uilding s are scattered and few, and therefore have negligible effect on 
the air-flow end temperature conditions. Grain and truck farming consti- 
tute* the eain activity in Charlie Area. 



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3, Dog Atom 

Doe Area, north of Able Area and northwest of Baker, is located la the 
densely conmercial segment of Minneapolis (Fig. HI-1). It i« bounded 
essentially by Third Arenas and the outlying railroad complex on the 
northwest, by the HiasissippJ Eiver on the northeast, by Park Arenas on 
the southeast, and by Eleventh Street on the southeast. The center of 
the downtown section is traversed by asphalt streets j and the periphery, 
by streets c ombining brick and asphalt. Main business thoroughfares 
include Hennepin Arenas, Harquette Avenue, end Nicollet Arenas between 
Washington Arenas and Twelfth Street. 

The ground surface varies in elevation from 85k feet above sea level, 
at Nicollet and Sixth Street, to 818 feet at First Street North and Port- 
land Avenue, As evidenced by the A cross-section linn on Figure 111=6, 
the gently rolling land tends to slope toward the Mississippi. The rail- 
roads, which are nost heavily concentrated along the northern and eastern 
edges of Dog Area, run along the riverj only at the northern edge are they 
somewhat depressed below the general ground surface. 

Tree cover is particularly extensive along the southern and western edges 
of tbs area (Fig, IH-7). Ho trees can be found in the downtown section. 

Along the railroad tracks are factories and warehouses, and northwest of 
First Avenue North are old brick and steel warehouses. Garages, gas sta- 
tions, email manuf acturing plants, and other types of commercial buildings 
are scattered throughout Dog Area. 

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Office building a are predominant in the dcvntcwn section, from. First Arena* 
North to Third Avenue South, and fro* Washington Arenne to Tenth Street* 
Those toward the center of town, at Hennepin and Washington Avenues, are 
oldj those at Marquette Avenue and Sixth Street are of comparatively recent 
construction* Structures range fro* one -story to milti storied buildings 
such as Foe hay Tower, 32 stories high* Inscriptions of individual bu il dings 
used in the Bog Area field tests are given with Figure III-8, the oblique 
aerial view which identifies these downtown buildings* 

In the southern and western portions of the area are residences repre- 
senting soae of the oldest structures in Minneapolis. The typical house 
is two or three arteries high, of frane or stucco construction, and has an 
attic. It is generally 5>0 years old, in poor condition, and equipped with 
storm windows in the winter and with screens In the suaner. The numerous 
brick apartment buildings are approximately 20 years old* 



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Figure ni-8 

Oblique aerial view of downtown Minneapolis showing array of buildings used in the Dog Area 
releases. Values obtained from samplers placed within the individual buildings are tabulated 
in Appendix D (Figs. D-7, 0-19, md D— 3 3 ) * See also Appendix E (Table E-l). 

1. ANDRUS BUILDING, at £32 Nicollet Avenue, is a commercial, ten-story building of steel 
and brick construction.^ Built In 1900, it has one full floor basement and double-hung, 
wood-ssash windows. Storm windows are not used, nor is there air conditioning on the upper 
floors. Steam heating is supplied from an outside source located in the Plymouth Building. 

2. FUST NATIONAL BANK BUDDING, a oteel and ccncrete structure built in 191ii, is located 
at Fifth ami Marquette Avenue. It is 19 stories high, with an average floor space of 10,000 
square feet. Banking activities are conducted only on the first four floors; the remaining 
floors are used commercially. In addition to two full basements, the building has a small- 
er basement for use as the power room. Coal is used to heat the promises. The fourth 
floor is the only floor that is air conditioned throughout; on all other floors single-roam 
units are placed at vinckws. These windows are of the double-hung, steel-sash type. There 
are no storm windows in the building. 

3. NOKTHfESTEFU REEL TELEPHONE BHILDING, located at Third and Sixth Streets, Is a rein- 
forced concrete structure,. 26 stories high. It La built in two sections! the first, com- 
prising 11 floors, is the older, while the second is approximately 25 years old. Average 
floor space for the first 12 floors is 20,600 square feet; for the next five floors, 19,365 
square feet; and for the ISth floor to the roof, 20,600 square feet. It has three full 
basenents and steel-sash, double-hung windows, but nostorm windows. Air-conditioning units 
are employed only in the cafeteria; in the telephone-operator rooms, fans are used. 

ij. NORTHWESTERN NATIONAL BANK BUILDING, located at Sixth Street and Marquette Avenue, con- 
sists of 16 floors, although several penthouses give It a height approximating 19 stories. 
Average floor space is 25,000 square feet. Twenty-three years old, the building is of con- 
crete and 3teel construction to the eighth floor and of reinforced concrete tr the six- 
teenth floor. The first five floors are used for banking activities and the upper 11 
stories for commercial purposes. Of the two basements in the building, one is used for 
shops, bank vaults and storage, and the second for housing the heating and power facilities. 
For these baserents and the first five floors only, a central air-conditioning unit is 
employed. Small Individual units are installed on other floors. Two large fresh-air 
ducts are located on the roof tut were not used during the Dog Area releases. Co3 is the 
primary fuel used to heat the premises, while oil is available on a stand-by basis. The 
building employs two types of windows — the double-hung, wood sash and the out-swung 3teel 
casement. For the latter type, approximately 175 storm windows are provided. 

5. BAKER BUILDING, located at 713 Marquette Avenue, is constructed of reinforced concrete, 
with brick exterior. Erected in 192?, this commercial building has 12 lull floors, each 
consisting of approximately F500 square feet. In the basement, which extends beyond the 
floor space of the building, is located the central power plant servicing several large 
structures within the area. Steam heating Is supplied by the central heating plant loca- 
ted behind Baker Building. There is no air conditioning; however, fresh-air diets are 
located on the roof. The building is also equipped with Riche Brcvne windows, which are 
similar to steel casements. 

6. MEDICAL ARTS BUILDING, located at 32S Ninth Street South, consists of two sections! the 
first, built in 1925, is 10 stories high, averaging 11,000 square feet per floor, and the 
second section, built In 192 9, is 19 stories high, each averaging 5000 square feet. The 
building is constructed of reinforced concrete, with a brick exterior, and has one small 
baserent and a sub-basement. It is veil-maintained and heated by vacuum steam. A fresh- 
air duct on the second floor Is used in the basement. There are no storm windows in the 
building. 

7. FOSHAT TCWF.R, at 821 Marquette Avenue, is a steel and concrete building constructed in 
1929. It consists of 32 stories, each averaging )i5CO square Teet. It is IUi7 feet high, 
with an antenna extending another l£>0 feet. Of the Tour basements in the building, the 
first and. second are used as garages, the third as the power plant, and the fourth as a 
pump room. Steam heating Is supplied from an outside source located in the rear of the 
Baker Building, There is r.o overall air-conditioning system in this comercinl building, 
thouidr single air-conditioning units are 'installed In several offices. The Riche Browne 
windows are cut-swung, steel-sash casements. 



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C, EVALUATION 0? ASEOSOL-CLOUD EXHAVIOR IS KIWRAPOLIS 
1, Dos ago Areas 

The areas within selected dosage iaopleths (partiole-minutaa/liter) hare 
been measured for all releases except In those cases where the disposition 
of the samplers with respect to the cloud path was such that little confi- 
dence could be placed in the areas derived from uncompleted iaopleths.* 

The areas enclosed by the selected iaopleths hare been plotted against ad- 
justed dosage values obtained from multiplication of the dosage by wind 
speed and division by the number of grama of TP material released. The re- 
sulting graphs of "Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships" are presented in 
the appropriate portions of Appendices A through X. 

The consistent use of one set of doe age values in the iooploth analyses 
precludes having the sane set of Ct*mph per gram values for all releases. 
Sinew the area values are also non-uniform, exact comparisons of the ad- 
justed dosages and related areas cannot be made between different releases. 
The isopleth values used are powers of 10; the areas enclosed within these 
iaopleths are listed in Table III-l, along with wind speeds, amounts of 
TP material released, and other data pertinent to the individual release. 

Despite the lack of a standard set of Ct*aph per gram values, comparison 
of the results of different releases may be made in a gonoral way. When 
the areas included within the dosage isopleths are plotted on log log paper 
as functions of the corresponding adjusted dosages, it is found that tha 

wEcleases not included, therefore, are FT 8 s 0012a, 0012c, 0012d, 0013a - 
0013d, 0016a, 0016b, 0015b, and 0016c, 

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plotted point* for both short line and point releases approximate a straight 
line. There fora, tho relationship for a given doaag* per gram, wind speed, 
and area enclosed within the given dosage ieopleth nay be expressed 

• A* ■ C. The lines obtained froa the plot of values for different 
releasee have similar slopesj in general, a decrease of Ct**ph per gram by a 
factor of 10 is associated with an increase of area by a factor of 7. The 
exponent for A in the expression above is thus established as 1.18. 

To investigate the effect of wind speed as a possible explanation for the 
lack of coincidence of the plotted values for different releases, the ex- 
pression . A^*^ has been evaluated for all corresponding values 
of Ct/gm (particle-minutes per liter per gran) and A (square yards) and 
has been plotted against wind speed (miles per hour) in a scatter diagram 
(Fig. in-?). In addition to the tests included in this report, this dia- 
gram includes points obtained froa ?T s s 0003-0011, which were reported in 
jqr 3, The amounts of FP material released ranged froa 1.5 gramo to 13.3 
grams for point releases, and froa lh.3 grams to 23.5 grams for short line 
releases, i.e. t for linso less than 1000 yards in length, A plotting coda 
has been used to distinguish certain release! froa tho others. FT 0008 
is the only test run under inversion conditions in the city, and, as might 
be anticipated, the values are relatively high. FT 0017, which was run in 
Dog Area, under very unstable conditions (Figs, D-2?, D-28, and D-2?), 
shows the lowest values. 

FT 0011 is also plotted distinctively. It is a daytime test with winds of 
3=U mph over enov-ccrvered ground. It is interesting to note that the 



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points for thit „jt on the 3*0 aph vertical lino were obtained from FT 
0011c, for which the release vu made at surface level. Ths other two 
releases, FT 4 s 0011a and 0011b., were nade from a roof 35 feet above the 
ground, and yet *\1 three groups of plotted points are consistent* 

A curve, baaed on a value of 3x1 07 for C in the formula £LJ5^1 , A^ - *^® * C, 
■ g* 

has been fitted .sually to the points of the scatter diagram (Fig. III-9 ) • 
The suitability of this value for C is indicated by the median values pre- 
sented in Table m-2. The data included in this table are only from 
those tests run under nighttime lapse conditions* 



TABLE XU-2 

. &DIAH VALUES AKD BASIS OF VALUES OF C* 
FOR SELECTED WEED SPEED RASGES 





Humber of Cases 


Median 




0.6 - 1.5 


7 


1.8x10? 


7.1x10® - 7.6x10* 


1*6 - 2*5 


11* 


2.7x10? 


7.6x10® - 6.6x10* 


2.6 - 3-5 


26 


3.1x10? 


l.CtrlO* - 5.5x10? 


3*6 - h»j 


21 


3Jalo7 


2.1x10* - 9.6x10* 


U.6 - 5.5 


6 


2.2x10* 


1.7x10* - 3.2x10* 


5.6 - o.5 


7 


3.3xl0 7 


2,1x10* - 3.7x10* 


6.6 - ,.5 


0 


— 


— 


7.6 - 8.5 


2 


6.2x10* 


. 5.8x10* - 6.5x10* 


8.6 - 9.5 


1 


!».?xlO* 




9,6 - 10.5 


2 


7.0x10* 


5.5x10* - 8.5x10* 



*C * £V?£^- . A^’^®: Ct in particle-minutes per 'liter, A in square yards, 

gsa 



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The 0,6 - 1.5 mph wind speed range is the only one for which the extra*# 
range of values of C exceeds a factor of 10. Thie range ia alio the only 
one below 6,5 mph for which the median value differs fro* the visually 
fitted value of 3*10^ by more than 27 per cent* 

The premise that the effects of the wind on the dosage within a given area 
can be compensated for by multiplying the dosage per gram by the wind 
speed seems open to question when the wind exceeds six mph. For the lim- 
ited number of cases in which the wind exceeded six mph, the proportional 
application of wind speed to obtain adjusted values of dosags per gram 
gives products which are consistently higher than the average of the 
products in the lower wind speed ranges. This evidence of non-proportion- 
ality supports the findings of tests conducted in Salisbury, England,* 
These testa, performed with winds ranging from 5 to 10 mph, showed same 
increase in area with an increase in wind speed* 

A li e M j p arison was presented in JQR 3 (Fig. V-21, p. 152) of average dosage- 
area relationships for daytiaa tests in Minneapolis and Salijbury. A 
revised presentation ia given here in Figure III-1Q, where the Minneapolis 
data have been converted to the units used in the original presentation of 
the Salisbury data. Recent tests show that for each gram of FP material 
released, 3,CxlO^® particles hare become airborne. Thus, one particle- 
cdnute per liter is equivalent to 3*3x10"^ raicrograa-ninutes per liter. 
Since the Salisbury flew rates are expressed in cubic meters per minute, 

#C. J. M. Aaransen, "Diffusion of Smoke in a Built-up Ire*,* Porton Tech- 
nical Paper Ho. 193, 1950. 

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SECURITY INFORMATION 



figure rn-io 

DOSAGE-AREA RELATIONSHIPS FOR DATTIXE RELEASES 
IN KINNEAP0LI3 AKL IN SALISBURY. ENQLAND 









SECRET 

S ECU* J I Y INEOIMATJON 

the conversion factor applied to the Minneapolis values stated in particle- 
minutes per liter bee ewe a 3. 3x10'^ • These converted dosage Taluea, divided 
by the number of grass released, then become comparable to the Salisbury 
dosage values, which are expressed in zaLcrograa -minutes per cubic meter 
per gram. 

2. Crossvind Integrated Dosages (CWID) 

CWTD f s were obtained by taking the area under the curve expressing the 
dosages interpolated from the isopleths along selected crosswind lines ex- 
pressed in yards. To enable comparisons to be made between releases, the 
CWID values, in P , yards, have been divided by the number 
of grams of TP material released and multiplied by the wind speed in mph. 

Table III-3 shows median values and the range of values for CWID-aph per 
gram at a distance of 1000 yards downwind from the aerosol source. The 
prevailing wind speeds indicate that the aerosol cloud should have com- 
pletely passed the 1000-yard crossvind line in each case before the end of 
the sampling period. Some substantiating evidence is provided by the use 
of time-resolution samplers in a few releases. In the final sampling 
period, the maximum count shown on any of these siusplers was five particles 
(Figs, D-30 and D-31) or an incremental dosage of less than one. 



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TABLE III-3 

VALUES OF CWID.MPa PER 02AM* AT 1000-TARD DCWNVIND DISTANCE 
BT AREAS, BT TIME OF DAT, AND BY TITS OF SOURCE 



Area 


Time of 
Day 


Type of 
Source 


lumbar 

of Caaea 


era)- 

Kadi an 


■atph per Grim 
Rang* 


Abla 


Day 


Point 


2 


l.SxlO 3 


9.9X10 2 - 2.6x103 




Might 


Point 


9 


l*.2xlo3 


2,2x103 - 7.7x103 




Night 


Lina 


k 


1w6x1C>3 


2.1rlo3 - 7,3x103 


Baker 


Night 


Point 


8 


5.1olo3 


l.fixlo3 - 2.1x10** 




Night 


T.-) no 


3 


3,1x10^ 


2.5x103 - U.8xl03 


Charlie 


Night 


Point 


2 


7.8x10** 


7,8x10** - 7.9x10** 


Dog 


Night 


Point 


6 


U.U*103 


0 - 8,6x103 


Citywide 


Night 


Line 


i» 


1.3x10** 


6.7X10 3 - 1.8x10** 



is the Talus of tha area undar tho curve expressing the dosages 
along the selected eroaswind line expressed in yards. 



Comparison of median values shows the highest value in Charlie Area and 
the lowest during tha daytime in Able Area, Except for these and tha 
cityvida testa, no significant difference is apparent either between 
testing sites or between different types of source. 

The spacing of samplers in the arrays for the cityvida tests was neces- 
sarily greater than for the smaller area tests. Therefore, the confi- 
dence that can be put in the computed CVID values for the cityvida tosts 
is correspondingly less, 

FT 0020 in Able Area is of particular interest since it was designed to 
compare the CWID values at downwind distances obtained from a point 



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rslsase and from two Una releases of sufficient length to hare the effect 
of an infinite line with reapect to the e sapling array. Figure Ill'll 
•howB the plot of the CWH3**ph per gran Tallies with downwind distance in 
yards for the three releases. It will he noted that the difference be- 
tween tho Talues for the point release and either line release is generally 
lest than the difference between the Talus a for the two line releases. 

‘Ibis relative agreement of CtfID**ph per graa Tslnes between the point 
source and either line release of TT 0020 emphasises the similarity be- 
tween the results obtained from the other point releases of 1.5 to 13*3 
grams and the short lino releases of lit.3 to 23*5 grams. Ho significant 
differences were found to exist between the two typos of releases when 
the area-dosage per gram relationship was inrestigated for the short line 
releases (FT 1 a OOlli and 0019). The relationship could not be evaluated 
for FT 0020 since the line releasee were of infinite length with respect 
to the sampling array. 

Point-source- releases on a large scale, comparable to citywide testa FT*s 
0022 and 0023, in which iiOO to 800 grams were dispersed, may be desirable 
to investigate the extent of the agreement between the results for line 
and point-source releases. 

3. Reproducibility of Dosage Patterns 

The general appearance of the dosage isopleth patterns is quite similar 
for releases made from a given point within a period of three or four 
hours, provided there are no marked changes in wind or stability conditions. 



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5t CUtltY INfO»MATION 



figure m-u 

R2LATI0KSKIP B ETWEES CWID'KPH PER GRAM AMD DCWMW1ND 
DISTANCE FOR FT 0020 




\ I 1 

\-l ! 



{ \ \\ j era in jrd'Ct (Ct in 

v\r 4 rTT' ]: 

t ; v TV : ; • • : ■ j • ; ' ; • t • • • ■ 



Release 


Type 


Anount 

(g») 


Wind 

$3*1 


FT 0020* 


line (infinite) 


23.7(*ffectiTe) 


h.l 


FT 0020b 


Point 


9.7 


3.6 


rr 0020 o 


Line (Infinite) 


56.5(effectiT*) 


3.1* 


CtflD in jrd*Ct (Ct in partide-ninutes per liter) 



i i: lUX 









CVTD a sph 
g* 



iff i 

■ ; : ; ; vV : i ;V\. ; : j;;:: hi I au ? 

i-4-r:- }«- -Vr ' " ’ ■' ’j' ~ iff -T- 1 4 - -r 

: I . ; I r Iap>L r f4 - r v 



n'ui 

: j : :. if; 

ill : • - • 



-uii.ua 



1r.'“ iVu't* M PTstj : i ff rr fffea 

h— - .... - r\: . ; rr ~T| v : : 



L L 

I r '-. r ' f: 

; I i. 

l-'-UliuJ: 



LLp-4 



io 3 L; — _l_- 
0 200 



: : | ' ! = I 1 II 



• t 1 ' • *•* ' . « • • - \ -f- f* - 

• . A . . • . • • * * ‘ ! ) ’ 

lH4TIL4TEt; 

- rtr.^4 44— '—rr! 

: ; ; ? r t i ;t r 7T~rj 

i! M 7 J lilrrjTi 

M'j: FIT H i ; I ? i \ 



iZrtiLrs.1: 



: : . rrrrr 



rat 






t ■ • ! 



D 600 800 

Dovnvirid Distance (yd.) 



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$*CU*Ur INfOIMAUON 



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SICURIT1F INFORMATION 

This s lnllar i ty can be Been by centering the analysed chart* for given 
releases of a particular test) especially those in Appendix A for the 
tvo Hn« releases of FT OOliij those in Appendix B either for the tsro 
releases of FT 0006 or for the three releases of FT 001?j or those in 
Appendix D for the three releases of FT 0015. 

The dosage patterns for FT 0007 (Figs. B-17, B-18, and B-19) vere sone- 
ehat different from those for the releases named above because of the in- 
dicated narked diversion of the cloud by a river gorge. The first of the 
three releases was aade below the general terrain level at the edge of 
the Mississippi River, and the others vere nade well bank fron the edge 
of the 100-foot gorge. All releases were made fr<xa the south side of the 
river with the wind blowing from the south. In all oases there is strong 
evidence that the cloud was displaced along the river gorge in a direction 
nearly perpendicular to the general wind direction. It appears that the 
lee area of the bank on the side from which the wind cane contributed nor* 
to the lateral displacement of the cloud than did the exposed bank on the 
opposite side. 

U. Variations of Dosage with Height 

Seven office buildings in Dog Area Were uoed in FT's 0015, 0016, and 0017 
to ob tain data on dosage attenuation with elevation above the ground.* 

■KDoacge values obtainsd from asioplera placed within the individual build- 
ings are tabulated in Appendix. D (Figs, D-7, D-15, and D-33). See also 
Appendix 2 (Table 2-1). 



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Filters were exposed outside of windows at different height* shore the 
/ground and, in moat cases, samplers were also operated on roofa« ft* 
greatest height at which filters were exposed was 27 floors abort the 
ground* 

Whan expressed as percentages of the ground-level dosages, a considerable 
range of ralues was obtained* Table LLI-h shows ranges for selected 
height ranges* The median ralues and the ranges within which the middle 
hair of the cases fall are also shown* 

TABLE m-i* 

VARIATION OF RELATIVE DOSAGES WITH HEIGHT 
(Relative Dosages Expressed as Percentages of Ground-level Dosages) 



Height Range 
(floors) 


Number of . 
Samples 




Relative Dosage; 


t 


Kadisn 

Value 

w 


Range of Kiddle 
50* of Samples 

(50 


Extreme' 

Range 

W- 


1 - U 


33 


1 12 


76 - lhh 


19 - 3k7 


5-8 


a 


67 


20 - 97 


0 - lh3 


9-12 


35 


99 


77 - 126 


0-196 


13-18 


16 


8 k 


61 - 102 


7-136 


17 - 20 


2k 


98 


68 - 158 


31 - 191 


21-27 


8 


86 


78 - 98 


5U - lib 



Another treatment of these data shows an interesting difference between 
FT 0017 and the other two Dog Area tests. The mean of the outside ralues 
at all levels for a particular building in a given- release is used as a 
base figure in terms of which all dosages ars expressed aa percents. For 
the releases of a given test, mean values hare been coaputed for cslacted 



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height ranges. These means are baaed on all buildings which shoved posi- 
tive dosages on any release during a given test. These data (Table III-5) 
show that dosages for FT 0017 were relatively greater at the higher levels 
near the ground, a relationship which was the reverse of that indi- 
cated to exist for FT's 0015 and OOlfi. The suspicion thus seems to be 
confirmed that a •bonfire" condition existed during the conduct of FT 0017, 
particularly during the last two releases. 

TABLE m-5 

MEAN RELATIVE DOSAGES IN SELECTED HEIGHT RANGES 
FOR THREE DOG AREA TESTS 



Height Range Bomber of Samples Jfean Relative Dosages (g 



(floors) 

1 - U 


FT 0015 
13 


FT 0016 

6 


FT 0017 
12 


FT 0035 
131 


FT 0016 

171 


Ft 00J 

79 


5-12 


2L 


18 


IS 


98 


7U 


9k 


13-20 


J£ 


8 


15 


85 


75 


117 



5. Penetration 

The degree that the aerosol cloud penetrates buildings has bean investi- 
gated by the comparison of dosages obtained from outside and Inside sam- 
plers.* A a shown above for the Dog Area releases, there are considerable 
variations in dosage with height above the ground. Hence caution is re- 
quired in ccmputii^s penetration values at heights well above street level, 

■xDossges for these inside samplers (Figs, D-7, D-19, and D~33) indicate 
that the values should be considered conservative, since in save cases 
the ttecond of the sequentially exposed filter units showed a higher 
incremental dosage than the first. A longer total sampling period might 
have given a greater total dosage. 

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SfCURlTY INFORMATION 

Percentages of penetration at the higher levels will generally be lower 
when based on an outside ground-larel dosage than when baaed on an outside 
dosage at the level of the inside sample* The comparison of the inside 
and outside dosages at the same level appears to be a more valid procedure 
for determining the percentage of penetration and has been used to obtain 
the data In Table m-6. This procedure has required the frequent use of 
interpolated values since outside values often were not available at the 
level of the inside sample* Outside ground-level values were used as 
bases in determining basement penetration, 

TAB 12 m-6 

IKS IDS DOSAGES RELATIVE TO OUTSIDE DOSAGES 
AT THE SAKE HEIGHT LEVEL FOR SELECTED HEIGHT RANGES 

^ Relative Dosages 

Median Range of Kiddle Extreme 



Height Range 1 
. (floors) 


Number of 
Samples 


Value 

(*) 


of Samples 

(30 


Range 

. W 


Sub-basement* 


27 


33 


0 


- 31 


0 - 173 


Basement* 


31 


11 


0 


o 

1 


0 - 1143 


l - u 


20 


2 h 


lh 


- 52 


3 

CO 

« 

O 


5 - 8 


32 


16 


h 


- 3k 


0 - HiOO 


9-12 


27 


10 


0 


- 25 


0 - 652 


13 - 17 


10 


38 


12 


- 76 


0 - 12k 


GROSS 


1U7 


15 


0 


- 37 


0 - lk 00 



*Dosages at this level were compared to outside ground-level 
dosages. 



"Sub-basement," as listed in the "Height Range" column of the table, re- 
fers to levels two or more floors beneath the ground floor. The lowest 

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SfCUIITY IN/OlMATION 



level at which e tuple a were taken was three floor* below the ground floor, 
"Baseaenfrefera to the first floor below the ground floor. The highest 
inside samples were taken on the serenteenth floor, 

the gross median Yalue of 15* for ll*7 samples taken during nine release* 
is of tfaa ssma order of magnitude ss those reported in JtJR 3 for Clinton 
School and a number of residences, Clinton School had a gross median 
value of 23* based on 71 samples taken during 12 releases. The gross 
median value for the residences was 1U5S for h2 camples during seven re- 
leases. 



To obtain an indication of the frequencies with which various amounts of 
penetration were achieved at the various height ranges, the data upon 
which Table HI was based have been treated differently and presented 
in Table UI-7. 



Table III-7 shews the percentage frequencies of inside dosages expressed 
as percentages of outside dosages at the same level within the ranges 
indicated by the column headings under "Penetration Ranges," For example, 
28* of the total li»7 samples showed no inside dosages when outside do- 
sages were obtained at the same level, and 11* of the lit? samples shewed 
inside dosages from 1 to 10* of the corresponding outside dosages. Addi- 
tion of the gross vaJ”cc of tha last two columns shews that 20* of the in- 
side samples were greater than of the corresponding outside dosages. 



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TABLE III-7 



PERCENTAGE FREQUENCIES OP INSIDE DOSAGES RELATIVE TO 
OUTSIDE DOSAOES AT THE SAKS HEIGHT LEVEL POR SELECTED 
PERCENTAGE RANGES AND SELECTED HEIGHT RANGES 



Height Range 
fiT-oora) 


Nuaber of 


Percent of Cases 


in Bach Indicated 


Penstrctian 


Rans-a (ty 


Saaples 


_0 


1-xO 




?'>-50 


51-loo 


>100 


Sub-Baa eawnt* 


27 


111 


0 


15 


26 


ll 


h 


Baa<«ent* 


31 


39 


10 


13 


29 


3 


6 


1 - u 


20 


10 


10 


25 


30 


10 


15 


5-8 


32 


22 


16 


22 


19 


9 


12 


9-12 


27 


26 


22 


19 


11 


15 


7 


p- 

H 

1 

a 


10 


20 


0 


10 


30 


30 


10 


GROSS 


1U7 


28 


11 


18 


23 


11 


9 



*Do;jagoa at this level were coapared to outside ground-level dosages. 



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i 


I 








= — 




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SCCUtlTT INFQIMAT10H 












APPENDIX " A ■ 




- i 






Figure No. 


FIELD TEST 0011* 3 March 1953 


Pag s No, 


t 


; 




A-l 


Two-Meter Air Temperature Survey, M-55, and 


69 


t 


r 






Susmary of Regional and Local Weather 


i 






A-2 


Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, K-55 


70 


Mi 

t 






A-3 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Wiresonda 


71 








A-U 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 


n 


•M 

i 








Minneapolis Wiresonde 


• 






A-5 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 




Ml 








Minneapolis Wiresonde 


73 








A -6 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Wiresonda 


7U 


Ian 






A-7 


Time Resolution Data, FT 0011*b, Sampler No, 1 


75 


«• 






A-8 


Time Resolution Data, FT OOllib, Sampler No. 2 


76 








A-9 


Time Resolution Data, FT OOlLo, Sampler No, 1 


77 


Ml 




- 


A-10 


Time Resolution Data, FT OOlljc, Sampler No. 2 


78 








A-ll 


(Hinton School Sampler Array and Results, 
FT OOll* 


79 


M 






A-12 


Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, IT 001^ 


80 








A-13 


Test Array and Results, FT OOlUa 


81 


iM 






A-lU 


Test Array and Results, FT OOllib 


82 


at 






A-1S 


Test Array and Results, FT 0011*c 


83 










FIELD TEST 0020 18 March 1953 








: i 



> ]. 

r < 



a 



A-16 


Two-Mater Air Temperature Surrey, K-58, and 
Summary of Regional and Local Weather 


81* 


A-17 


Temperature Soundings, St, Cloud Raob, M-58 


85 


A-18 


• Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, FT 0020 


86 


A-19 


Test Array and Results, FT 0020a 


87 


A-20 


Test Array and Results, FT 002Cb 


68 


A-21 


Test Array and Results, FT 0020c 


89 




SUMMARY 

(Survey 



OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
3 March 1953 

M-55, Supplemental to FT OOllt) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

A strong ridge of high pressure extended from the Pacific Northwestern 
states eastward to the Great Lakes, bringing relatively cold air across 
Minnesota. An intensifying low centered over Lake Erie served to in- 
crease the surface gradient. There was soma evidence of a very weak 
cold frontal passage at Minneapolis on the evening of the test. At the 
700-mb level, a broad slow-moving trough extended from Saskatchewan 
southward to Texas and long-wave ridges lay Just off the Atlantic and 
Pacific coasts. The resulting gradient wind over Minneapolis was west- 
erly at 35 mph. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Time 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Covert 


Visibility 
(miles ) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


20,000 


Broken 


15 




17 


12 


W 


11 


1930 


20,000 


Scattered 


15+ 


- 


1U 


8 


wsw 


7 


2030 


Nons 


Clear 


15+ 


- 


13 


9 


wsw 


10 


2130 


None 


Clear 


15+ 


- 


13 


9 


wsw 


10 


2230 


None 


Clear 


15+ 


- 


lii 


9 


w 


15 


2330 


None 


Clear 


15+ 


- 


13 


8 


w 


16 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 100£ 

** And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea-level pressure at 2130 CST: 100?. 5 mb 

Ground condition: Twelve-inch packed snow; main streets clear; side streets 

clear but 5 <Jf> ice from daytime melting; lake frozen 



Iree cover: None 




Fast Above Surfaca 



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FIGURE A-3 

COMPARATIVE TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 

Minneapolis Wiresonda 

Undeveloped ”3 Residential Area 
2100 CST 3 Kar 19? 3 



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P*g» 71 



Ill 



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I • 

600 



500:— 



■ |lu | - Uad«v«l$p*d, Run 3- i 
Risidential, Run It [ 




Adlabatio • ■ \ j • 



Temperature F 




FIGURE A-5 




COMPARATIVE TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 




Minneapolis Wlrasonde 




Undeveloped Vi Residential Aria 
2300 CST 3 Mar 1953 




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Figure A -8 

TIME RESOLUTION DATA 

FT OOlhb 3 Mar 1?53 
Sampler No* 2 



Total No. of Particles i 9U3 . 

Flow Rate: 10.6 liters/ain 

Dosage: 8? part-ain/liter 



iiiKiHKiiijijjjl 



■ MMga 

IlgiiiillUsillllliillllliiil 

hfiiallMMHIll 




aagg^aai aasiaaffl 

I I l iiihial 

■ I .Mri 



Sampler off 



10 15 20 25 



Time (Minutes') 



Dispersal Period 



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Figure A-? 



TIKE RESOLUTION DATA 

FT OOllic 3 Mar 1#3 
Sampler No. 1 



Total No. of Particles i 3.0? x 10^ 

Flow Ratal 10.8 liters/min 

Dos ago : 286 part-min/liter 




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?«*• 77 






AM 





CLINTON SCHOOL DOSAGES* 



Dosrges for a Given Release 



Sampler 


rail — 


— mmE 


TToolhc 


A 


2U 


93 


62 


B 


3-2 


13-U 


10 -it 


C 


T-T 


16-10 


9-T 


D 


2-T 


lo-lit 


26-6 


3 


6 


90 


57 


? 


2 


23 


13 


Q 


0-T 


16 -It 


9-3 


H 


15 


111 


6U 


I 


3-3 


16-1 6 


2-0 


J 


12 


ltf 


h9 


K 


18 


75 


65 



* Dosages are expressed in particle-minuteB per literj T 
represents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 15 
fluorescent particles,. A single entry expresses the dosage 
obtained from a filter unit exposed during the entire sam- 
pling period of a particular release. Double entries for a 
given column represent incremental dbsage3 obtained with 
sequentially exposed filter units. Applicable incremental 



periods for each sampler, as well as full sampling periods 



for each 


release, are as follows: 




Release 


Sampling Period 


Incremental Periods 


FT OOlita 


2000-2100 CST 


2000-20lt5 CST 
20U5-2120 CST 


FT OOlUb 


2120-2220 CST 


2120-2205 CST 
22Q5-22UO CST 


FT OOliiC 


22UO-23UO CST 


22UO-2325 CST 
2325 -23bO CST 



Figures A-13, A- Hi, and A-15 (Appendix A) show Building No, 11, 
Clinton School, in relation to the grid complex and the dosage 
pattern for the indicated releases. 




Figwt JU1J 



TEST APJttT AKD RESULTS 
FT OOlha 



3 ><ar 1953 
2022 C3T 



AERCSOt GENERATTOH 

Point-source release of 8.9 gn* of NJZ 2266 over a period of $ minutes starting at 2022 CST from a vehicle-mounted 
blower disperser located at point )jg| . 

SJLHFLIM3 

Location and Rrpoaur* 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment locatad at 102 station* u thcvn on teat-array map by the following *y*bol* 

• Oat door sampler at hal£it between 1 and 6 feet. 

Result* 

All samplers operated to measure total doeagea. In addition, aarplare in Clinton School were operated iocremen- 
tallyj sampler array, full sampling periods, and applicable incremental doe age e are presented in Figure A-li. 

Total Poe age (particle-minute* A Iter) 

T - trace doe age 

^58 M ■ RULlfunctlon or data missing 



Dosage contour with values expressed In particle-admrtae per liter. 



HTEOHOLCOT 



quip rent and Measurement 



At street level, wind direction continuoualy recorded, and air and surface temperature*, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observation* taken at stations designated © , © , and © • 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wl rescind* aecenta mada at wteorologlcsl 
atation © . 

2I|° Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrtw 
}0 - representing the virtual wind travel between Ui* tiwa indicated. 

2100 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Street-level winds southwesterly at 2.7 *ph, roof -level winds southwesterly at 3.0 *ph, and tree top wind* 
west -northwest to eouthveat at 8-10 mph. 



l.h* F lapse fro* 6-300 ft. 



Clear during teat period. 



16-17* F at 2 maters in the test area. 



Mixing ratio of l.t* grsAs^ *7 air. 



a* 




Figure A-H 

TEST ARRAT AKD FSESGLT3 

rr omhb 



3 >Ur 1953 
m$ cst 



AEROS OL OBUMIT a 

Line-aourco releaaa of ill. 3 gw of HJ2 7266 (it « rot* of )8,7 gwa/wila) or or * period of b*5 atnutea atarting at 
2125 CST, frc« a blower dtsperaer mounted on a wring rehicla. 

START ■ ■ » END 2000-ft track of rr Mr la -wonted blower disperser at the indicated starting 

(2125 CST) (212900 CST) and stopping tin**. 



SAMPU1W 

Location and Erpoanra 

JfesibraM -filter sampling equipment located at 102 stations as shown an teat-array nap by the following aymtoolei 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

A Time-resolution sampler with station rrasber. 



Results 

All s arpi lers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, sanpleoin Clinton School were operated lncreeen- 
tally; stapler array, full sampling period, lnerenental periods, and applicable incremental dosages are 
presented in Figure A-ll. Tire-resolution data are given in Figures A-7 and A-8. 



Total Posage (partlcle-oimrtes /lltar) 

/ T 

5 » 

K * sal f unction or data adasing 



trace dosags 



hETEOROLOOT 




100 



Dosage contour with values expressed In p art 1 c 1* -uinute a per lltar. 



Equipment and >b as ore went 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological oboervaticms taken at station* designated 4S) , O » and (gj . 



Similar 
station ( 




5 ! 000 . 




lervatlons at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) aid wlrtscnde ascents made at seteorological 

) . 

2005 

*** 2010 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to sap scale) and direction of each arrow 

representing the virtual vind travel between the times indicated. 



2000 Ballocrn track representing wind-drift observation at the tine Indicated. 



Street-level vinds west-oouthwesterly at 2.9 mph, roof-level winds south-southwesterly at li.l nph, and treetop 
winds west-northwest to s-'uthwest at 8 - 10 mph. 



S tability 

1.2’ F lapse frees 6-300 ft. 

5£Z 

Clear during test period- 



T evrerature 

15' to 16’ F at 2 meters in the test area. 



Moisture 



Mixing ratio of l.U gn/kJCs dry air. 













TEST ARRAT AND RESO.TS 

TT 001U« 



JtfUOSOL Qm RATIDW 



flgur, A-lS 



3 N*r 1953 

22U5 CST 



Lijw-joarc, ral*u, of 18.2 gns of 1UZ 2266 (at * riU of Ij 9.2 pw/jdlo) orer a parlod of 5.1? atartaa Uartlnt at 
22U5 CST, fro* * blower d l sparser mounted on • moving vehicle* 



START. 



(22li$ CST) 



END 



2000-ft track of vehicle -noon ted blower disperser at the indicated starting 



(22?0«10 CST) and stopping tinea* 



SAMPLED 



Location and Exposure 

Membrane -filter stapling equipment located at 102 stations as shown ce test-array map by the following symbols* 
• Outdoor sailer at hm ight between 1 and 6 feet* 

A Time -re solution sampler with station number* 

Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages* In addition, sampler* In Clinton School were operated Inc re neo- 
tally; sampler array, full sampling period, lncremsntal periods, and applicable increnantal dosages are 
presented in Figure JUll. Time-resolution data are given in Figures A-9 and A-10. 



Total Dosage (particle -a lnutas/llterl 
/ T - trace dosage 



58 



M - malfunction or data missing 



MM 



MM 



MM 



MM 






III 




>ct:oroloot 



too 




too 



Dosage contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter* 



Equipment and Me as arena at 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and *urface tenperajjirea, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at station# designated © , © , and © • 

Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) and wireeonde ascents made at meteorological 
station @ • 



2005 

2QJ2S> — — ' * 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to rap scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2000 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 
—————— 

Winds 

Street-level winds vest-southwesterly at 3,6 mph, roof -level winds west -southwesterly at 10 nph, and traetop 
winds west-northwest to southwest at 8-10 mph. 

Stability 

l.$ f F lapse fro* 6-300 ft. 

3*Z 

Clear during test period. 

Te t?rre rature 

U4.7 - to 15.7* F at 2 raters in thn test area. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of l.li gV'qs” *7 »±r* 




SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 

18 March 1953 

(Survey M-58, Supplemental to FT 0020) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

Associated with a 996-mb low center 300 miles northeast of Duluth, a 
weak dissipating cold front passed Minneapolis the night before the test 
with no precipitation. Light snowfall accompanied the passage of a sec- 
ondary cold front one hour prior to the test period. Following the 
secondary front, a fresh mass of cold air in a weak high moved rapidly 
from the northwest. At the 700-mb level, a rapidly moving trough passed 
from Lake Superior through Indiana and Arkansas to Texas, and ridges lay 
over the Rockies and the Appalachians. The 700-mb gradient wind over 
Minneapolis was northwesterly at liO mph. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Time 

(PST) 

1830 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 

(°F) 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1900 


Broken 


15 


•a 


35 


33 


W 2h 


1930 


1900 


Scattered 


15 


““ 


35 


31 


W 20 

(gusty) 


2030 


2100 


Broken 


35 




35 


31 


WNW 2li 
(gusty) 


2130 


2200 


Broken 


15+ 


• 


33 


2? 


WNW 20 


2230 


2500 


Scattered 


15+ 


** 


32 


25 


WNW 2 k 

(gusty) 


2330 


None 


Clear 


15+ 


- 


30 


20 


WNW 20 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 50£ 

«-* And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea-level pressure at 2130 CST: 1006,8 mb 

Ground condition: Two to four-inch packed snow and ice; lt(# of snow gone; 

streets clear; lake frozen 



Tree cover : None 




HU 








TOT ARfttT AHD RESULTS 

ft oaeo* 



figure A- 19 



18 Mar 1953 
2005 CST 



AEROSOL GgKgRATiar 

Line-source release of 68.5 g*e of HJZ 2266 ( at a rate of 39 g»s/*lle) oxer * period of 6.23 Minutes starting at 
2005 CST, fro* a blower disperser Mounted on 4 moving vehicle. 

START — -» EtfD 9000* -ft track of vehicle -no on ted blower disperser at the indicated startle* 

(2005 CST) ( 2 0X3 * CST) and stopping tines* 



SAKFh XflO 

Location and Rrpoeure 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment located at Id* stations as shown on test-array map by the following symbols t 
• Outdoor sarpler at height between 1 end 6 feet* 

9 Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by sots. 



Results 



All sappier* operated to me satire total dosages during full sampling period, 2000-5100 CST* 
Total Dosage (partlcle-mlnutes/llter) 

^ T - trace dosage 

H • Malfunction or data Missing 



58 



>ETEOROLOOT 



100 




100 



Doe age contour with values expressed In p article -nlxnzte a per liter* 



Equipment and Measure went 



At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures , wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at stations designated and • 



Similar observations at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) made at meteorological station © , where 
equipment was also set rap for vires on da measurements. 



2000 



2005 



2010 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arras 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2000 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated* 



S treat-level winds weet-southwestarly at 3.8 rph, roof-level winds westerly at 9.8 rph, winds at tree top 
westerly at 10-15 wph, and above treetop level westerly at 20-30 *ph. 



S tability 

Ho direct re as urement wire sonde operations precluded by relatively strong winds. These winds and supporting 
raob data (Fig. A-17) indicate adiabatic conditions. 



Pro ten clou da with base* 2100 ft aborts the surface. 
T emperature 

35* to 35.5* F at 2 raters in the test area. 
Moisture 



Mixing ratio of 3.6 gm/kgn dry air, 



TEST ARRAT AND RESOLES 

rr oceob 



Figure A -20 



18 Hu- 1953 
2125 CST 



AERCSOL OESE RATIO* 

Polnt-eource release of 9.7 gn* of NJZ 2266 orer a period of 5 minutes atarilng at 2125 CST from i rehlcle-eounted 
hlover disperser located at point * • 

SDiPLIW 

Location and Kxpodurw 

>femfar*n« -filter sampling •quipwant located at Kii atationa at shown on Uat-array »ap bj th* following #y»bol*t 
• Outdoor ■ ampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

9 Outdoor sampler at height abore or below general terrain lerel as indicated b j note. 



Raanlta 

All s amp 1« re operated to masure total dosages during full sealing period, 2120-2220 CST* 
Total Odeage ( part icle-ainutes Alter) 

T • trace dosage 
M • malfunction or data aisaing 



L I 



58 






100 — I Dotage contour with ralues expressed in particle-minute# par liter. 
100 



WTEOROLOOT 



Equipment »nd Measurement 



At street lerel, vind direction contlnnouely recorded, end »tr and ourfacetesporaturea, wind Telocity, and 
othar meteorological obearration* taken at atatlons designated © and © . 

Similar obeerratiorui at. rooftop lerel (3S faet a bora surface) made at meteorological • tat Ion © , abort 
equipmnt wan also set up for Viresonde measurements. 



21 'Dp. 



El 05 — 2H0 



Virtual wind tract, the length (drawn to sup scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the rirtuel wind trarel between tha times indicated. 



2100 Ralloon track representing wind-drift obssrratlon at tha time indicated. 



Winds 

Street-lerel winds vest-nortbwesterl y at 3.8 mph, roof-larel winds vest-northwesterly at 11.2 «g*, winds at 
treetop westerly at 10-\5 mph, and abort treetop lerel westerly at 20-30 mph, 

Stability 

So direct neeaurcmants wlrasonda operations precluded by relatlraly strong winds. Those winds and supporting 
raob data (Fig. A-17) indicate adiabatic conditions. 

■1)2 

Broken clouds with bases 2200 ft -.bore the surface. 

Verge rature 

3i, ,2 • to 3b.6* F at 2 raters in the test area. 

Moisture 



Mixing ratio of 3.1 gn/kg™ dry air, 




TEST AHRAT AND RSSXTS 
FT 0020c 



Figure A-21 



18 Mar 1*53 

22U5 CST 



AERCSCL C5TKF. RATIO 

Line-source release of 163 of HJZ 2266 (at a rate of 92.8 gm/nilm) cnrer a period of 8.83 minutes starting at 
22 'j*? CST, from a blower diape r»er mounted on a moving vehicle. 

START m ¥ FXD 9000- ft track of vehicle -mounted blower disperser at the Indicated starting 

(22h$ CST) (2253i 50 CST) and stopping times, 

SAXPlDO 

Lo cation and Exposure 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment located at 10b stations as shown on teat- array map by the following symbols i 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet* 

Q Outdoor soapier at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 



Results 



All sailer* operated to measure total doe age a daring full sampling period, 22bO - 23bO CST 
Total Dosage (part tcle-frirrrtes /liter) 




T • trace doe age 
M • malfunction or data missing 



100 



Dosage contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter. 



MFTTEOROLOOT 



100 



Eq uipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surf ace Unperatures, wind velocity, and 
other re Leorologlcal observations taken at stations designated © and © * 

Similar otmervatlons at rooftop level (35 feet above surface) made at meteorological ataticn © , vher* 
equipment was also set up for viresor.de measurements. 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each amar 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 

Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the tine indicated. 

Winds 

Street-level winds veat -southwesterly at 3.2 rph, roof-level winds wsterly at lb. 8 Pph, winds at treetop 
westerly at 10-15 sph, and above tree top level westerly at 20-30 ***• 

St ability 

Ho direct measurement j wire sc ride operations precluded by relatively strong winds* These winds and supporting 
raob data (Fig, A-17) indicate adiabatic conditions. 

Scattered -clou* with b«ea 2500 ft abey* th« aurfaet. 

Te mper atom 

29.8* to 30,5* F at 2 meters in t.h# test arts. 

Mo isture 

Mixing ratio of 2,8 gm/kgm dry air. 



2005 



2010 



ZC*j)p 



_ 200 £ 








r ’ J 

l ' 3 


~] 




SECRET 




Hit 










SECURITY INFORMATION 








s* * -i 






APPENDIX " B * 




■« 


i 

i 


E • ■ 


© 


Flyura Wo. 


FIELD TEST 0006 26 January 1953 


Page lo. 


Mil 








B-X 


Two- He ter Air Temperature Surrey, K-38, and 
Summary of Regional and Local Weather 


92 






l 




B-2 


Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-38 


93 






( 




B-3 


Temperature Soundings, Residential-Area 
Vires onda 


9k 


“ 




1 




B-li 


Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, FT 0005 


95 






* 




B-5 


Test Array and Results, FT 0005* 


96 


mi 




t 

i 

\ 




b-6 


Test Array and Results, FT 0005b 


97 


Ml 




-i 






FIELD TEST 0006 28 January 1953 




Ml 








B-7 


Two-Mater Air Temperature Surrey, M-4;0, and 
Sumary of Regional and Local Weather 


98 








B-8 


Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-ItO 


99 


Ml 






© 


B-9 


Temperature Soundings, Residential-Area 
Wire sonde 


100 










B-10 


Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, FT 0006 


101 

« 


Ml 








B-U 


Test Array and Results, FT 0006* 


102 










B-12 


Test Array and Results, FT 0006b 


103 












FIELD TEST 0007 30 January 1953 




- 




4 




B-X3 


Two»Mster Air Temperature Surrey, K~hl e and 
Summary of Regional and Local Weather 


10U 










B-Ht 


Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Raob, M-Ul 


105 










B-25 


Temperature Soundings, Residential-Area 
Wiresonde 


106 






i 

1 




B-l6 


Adjusted Do sage -Area Relationships, FT 0007 


107 










B-17 


Test Array and Results, FT 0007a 


108 






i 

i 


B-I8 


Test Array and Results, FT 0007b 


109 


- 




* 

t 

i 

] 


O 


B-19 


Test Array and Results, FT 0007e 


no 






' 1 

» ? 1 
i 




SECRET 


Pago 90 






• ; j 




SECURITY INFORMATION 





SECRET 

stcumr information 



FIELD TEST 0019 



U March 19S3 P«ge *<>♦ 



Tvo-Keter Air Temperature Surrey, H-56, and 
Susaary of Regional and Local Veather 

Temperature Soundings, St 0 Cloud Raob, K-56 

Comparatlre Teaperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Wire sends 

Ccnparatirs Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Vires onds 

Comparative Temperature Soundings, 

Kinks apolls Vires onde 

Pioneer Hall (Building So. 21) Saapler Array 
and Results, FT 0019 

Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, T£ 001 9 
Test Array and Results, FT 0019a 
Test Array and Results, FT 0019b 
Teat Array and Results, FT 0019 o 



FIELD TEST 0021 



21 March 1953 



Two-Meter Air Teaperature Surrey, K-59, and 
Suamary of Regional end Local Veather 

Temperature Soundings, St„ Cloud Raob, M-=59 

Adjusted Dosage-Area Relationships, FT 0021 

Teat Array and Results, FT 0021a 

Test Array and Results, FT 0021b 

Test Array and Results, FT 0021c 

Test Array and Results, FT C021d 



i G 



SECRET 



SeCUtHY INfOtMATiON 



SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
26 January 1953 

(Survey M-38, Supplemental to FT 0005) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

A 1000-mb low-pressure area, cantered !;C0 miles north-northwest of Minne- 
apolis, was moving east at 20 mph. An associated warm front with scattered 
snow showers was just past Minneapolis at test time. The cold front, ex- 
tending northeast-southwest over northwestern Minnesota, was approaching at 
about 30 mph. In the warm sector covering the test area, light westerly 
winds prevailed. At the 700-mb level, a weak low system north of Duluth 
produced only slight perturbation in strong westerly flow across the coun- 
try, The 700-mb gradient wind over Minneapolis was westerly at I 4 O mph. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



'.rime 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


1(130 


moo 


Overcast 


6 


1930 


1000 


Overcast 


6 


2030 


liiOO 


Broken 


6 


2130 


None 


Clear 


6 


2230 


Nona 


Clear 


U 


2330 


None 


Clear 


4 



Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
DU (nph) 


Haze 


28 


25 


ssw 


11 


Haze 


28 


25 


ssw 


9 


Haze 


29 


26 


sw 


7 


Haze 


27 


25 


ssw 


8 


Fog 


25 


23 


s 


10 


Fog 


2it 


22 


E 


3 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: IOC# 

And/or restrictions to visibility 

Sea-level pressure at 2130 CST: 1012,5 mb 

Ground condition: Frozen six-inch base; snow dirty; streets two-inch 

packed snow and ice; river free running, open water; 
lake frozen, snow covered 



Tree cover: 



Bare 




L 



IM 



•m 



«» 



■« 




| 

f 

j m 






lM 





TOT JUUUT AND RESULTS 
FT 000!>a 



Figure 3-5 



26 Jan 1953 
2022 CST 



AFROS Ol GF.JfF.R>TinW 

Point-source release of 10.?! gns of fJJZ 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2022 CST from a vehicle-mounted 
blower disperser located at point * • 

SAMPtC lG 

location and Exposure 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment located «t $P stations as shown on test-array n^p by the following syr-fcolsj 
• Outdoor sampler at heirht tetvren 1 and 6 feet. 

© Out'Joor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 

Fteaulta 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages during full sailing period, 2000-2100 CST. 

Total Dosage ( part lele-wlnutes/l Iter) 

T - trace dosage 
M • malfunction or data siisslng 



Dosage contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter. 



HETFORQLOGT 



F quipnent and Meas-irencnt 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures , w<nd velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at one or more of the stations designated © , © , and © . 

Vlresonde ascents made at meteorological station @ , at the University parking lot. 

El 05 £110 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map acala) and direction of each arrow 

_ . _ _ *■ representing the virtual wind travel between the tires indicated. 



2l£0 Falloon track representing the wind-drift observation at the time Indicated. 



Street-level winds south-southwesterly at U.9 sy-b. 



1.8* F lapea fro- 6-300 ft. 



Broken clouds with bases lhOO ft above the surface. 
T«< a y* Tatars 

18.5* to 2Q.5* F at 2 meters In the test area. 



Mixing ratio of 2.9 gm/kg* dry air. 




SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 

28 January 1953 

(Survey M-hO, Supplemental to FT 0006) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

A f illi ng) stationary frontal system extended from British Columbia east- 
southeast to eastern Iowa, and shallow waves along this system were accom- 
panied by widespread snowfall. A weak 1020-mb high-pressure area, cen- 
tered 600 miles north-northwest of Minneapolis, supplied cold continental 
Arctic air across Minnesota, At the 700-mb level, a- long-wave ridge over 
the Rockies and trough over the Appalachians resulted in a west-northwest- 
erly gradient at 22 mph over Minneapolis. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Tima 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


1830 


6,000 


Scattered 


15 


1930 


20,000 


Scattered 


15+ 


2030 


None 


Clear 


15+ 


2130 


Nona 


Clear 


15+ 


2230 


Nona 


Clear 


15+ 


2330 


h,100 


Scattered 


15+ 







Dew 


Wind 




Temp 


Point 




Speed 


Weather** 


m 


J2Q 


Dir 


(mph) 


«• 


10 


i 


NW 


7 


- 


8 


0 


WNW 


7 


- 


7 


-3 


VNW 


6 


_ 


6 


-3 


WNW 


8 


• 


5 


-U 


W 


7 


- 


5 


-U 


WNW 


6 



*■ Average cloudiness sunrise to 3unset: 90^ 

And/or restrictions to visibility 

Sea-level pressure at 2130 CST: 1021.0 mb 

Ground condition: Four-inch packed snow; main streets clearj secondary 

streets packed snow and icej lake frozen 



Tree cover: None 




SECRET 

SECUVI.TY IN^OIMATION 



U : ,-rr ! — r— r- Bun /l\ . 2000 CST : . 

} • • ♦ • ' < ' ‘ 

— — ■ : • Run j /A , : siod cst 

6oo . . .A A 

— — * Run ; /3\ j 2200 CST • 

Cnrvea fir Buna /l\l and /2\ represent' 
sing la raluaij not' ths graphically aTersgad 
ascent- and daaoent raluea normally plotted* 



200 










'{Dry. 



■_!' ' ' ' 



riiinsi 

a " 1- 



4 



■ ■ i 



'^ l ( S4 



Temperature °T 



FIOUHE 3-9 

TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 
Minneapolis 

Rasidential-Area Wiresonde 

H-hC . 28 Jan 1?53 



SECRET 

SECUim lNfOtWAtlON 



Page 100 




MM 



MM 



a* 



MW 



MW 



m 



o 



Ml 



TEST ARRAI A3TO KJSTJLT3 

rr 000$» 



AESOSOt, Om RATIO* 



figure B-U. 



28 J» 19 53 
2015 CST 



Point-source release of 9.0 gr* of RJZ 2266 onr a p«rlo<l of 5 minutea atarting at 2015 CST from * vahicla-awuntad 
blower disperser located «t point tjf • 



SX^PUSO 



location »nd Exposure 

Hembrana-filter sampling equipment located at ft! atations bo ahcam on test-array nap by the follwring ayMolai 
0 Outdoor sampler at halght between 1 and 6 faat. 

0 Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain lerel aa indicated by note, 

Pbeulte 

All srmplers operated to measure total doeage during full sampling period, 2000-2100 CST, 

Total Cbaage (partlcIe-alnatesAlter) 

T • trace doeage 

• as * • Malfunction or data Missing 



\oo y/ ^l 

100 



Doeage contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter. 



JCTEOROIOOT 



Equlpeient mi Measurement 

At street level, vlnd direction continuously recorded, snd air and surface temperatures, %dnd velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at one or more of the stations designated @ and Q . 

viresonde aacenta made at meteorological station @ , at the University parking lot. 

_*!S* . 21)0 Virtual mind track, the length (drmm to map scale) and direction of each arrow 



tijoa ■ 



representing the rirtual vlnd trrral between the tl»e« Indicated. 

_tjOO Balloon track representing vind-drift obeerration at the tij» indicated* 



Win da 

Street-trrel vinds northvesterly at 1.3 and treetep vinds predominately northwesterly at 6-7 *ph, 
• Stability 

1,2* f lepet fro« 6-300 ft. 

aa 

Clear during teat period, 

• ‘a^pe rat-ore 

8,£" to 10* 7 at 2 wtere in the test area* 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 0.8 gr/kgw dry air. 



K 






Ml 




not tm and hesxis 

7? COOSb 



Ftgura 3-12 



28 Jan 1953 

2 XiiB CST 



jOKSCJ, CEK3RATICW 

Polnt-aourca releaaa of 9,6 c, of _4r^“ ^266 osar 1 P* 1 " 1 - 011 °f 5 nlmtea atarting at 211»fl CST fro, a sehlcle-mounted 
blower dlaperear located at point Ifl , approximately S feet above the river level, 

toe et Ion end Expoaure 

Membrane -filter sampling equipment located at 83 stations as shown on test-array map by the following symbols* 
0 Outdoor sampler at height between 1 ond 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height abore or below general terrain lerel as Indicated by note. 



Results 



All aeoTTplers operated to measure total dosages during full stapling period, 2130-2230 CST. 
Total Dosage f partlcle-mlnutes/ltter) 

T « trace dosage 



'38 



\oo y// ^l 

100 



JCTtOROLOOT 



M • welfunction or data wlsslnf 
Dosage contour yith values expressed in particla-evlnutes per liter. 



Equ Ipnent and Measure went 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface terperatures, wind velocity, and 
other rwteorological observations taVen at one or r.ore of the stations designated @ @ , and Q * 

Wirtaonde ascents v\ada at meteorological station ^ , at University parking lot. 



Virtual wind track, the length ( drawn to sap scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the tinea indicated* 

Balloon track representing wind-drift obeerration at the tlwe indicated* 

Win da 

Strest-lcrel winds northwesterly at 1,6 rph, and tree top win da predordnately northwesterly at 6-7 rph. 
Stability 

1,3* 7 Lapse fraa 6 to 300 ft, 

sjar 

Clear during teat period, 

Teegoeratnrs 

7. S’ to 8.5’ F at 2 maters in the teat area. 

Moisture 



tioo 



-.qio 



noo-'' 



_2|0° 



Mixing ratio of 0,8 ge/kge dry air, 




SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
30 January 1953 

(Survey M-lil, Supplemental to FT 0007) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

A deepening low-pressure system, moving rapidly eastward, passed 200 
miles to the north of Minneapolis during the test period. The associ- 
ated warm front extended to the south-southeast, and the cold front to 
the west-southwest. Neither front, passed the station during the test 
period, but very light intermittent snow was observed. A strong high- 
pressure cell, 1000 miles north-northwest of the station was supplying 
cold continental Arctic air to the north side of the system. At the 
700-mb level, a weak ridge along the Atlantic coast, a stronger ridge 
along the Pacific coast, and a shallow trough extending from Wisconsin 
to Texas produced a west-northwesterly gradient wind of 38 mph over 
Minneapolis . 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Time 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 

(°F) 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


700 


Overcast 


3 


Snow grains 
and fog 


25 


22 


S 


11 


1930 


500 


Overcast 


3 


Snow grains 
and fog 


25 


22 


SW 


10 


2030 


300 


Overcast 


2| 


Snow grains 
and fog 


2h 


22 


ssw 


12 . 


2130 


Uoo 


Overcast 




Snow grains 
and fog 


25 


23 


S 


12 


2230 


7500 


Overcast 


3 


Fog 


25 


23 


ssw 


6 


2330 


95 00 


Broken 


u 


Fog 


26 


23 


SSW 


8 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 100^ 

** And/or restrictions to visibility 

Sea-leval pressure at 2130 CST: 1011,2 mb 

Ground condition: Four-inch to six-inch base snow; main roads clear; ice 

in spots; residential and aids streets two-inches packed 
snow and ice; river open 

Tree cover: None 










TOT ARJttT JDTO RESULTS 
FT 0007b 



Figure B-18 



30 Jan 19$J 
2137 CST 



AE ROSOL OtHT RATIO* 

Point-source release of A. 7 gm- of KJ2 2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 2137 CST from a vehicle-mowrUd 
blower disperser located at point jjj£| • 

SA HPL1H0 

Location and Exposure 

He*fcrane-f liter sampling aqvipmerit located at 75 avatiana an shown oo test-array map by the follcwtng aywfeola* 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet* 

Q Outdoor sampler at height abore or be^car general terrain level as indicated by note* 



All sampler* operated to measure total dosages diring full Sampling period, 2130-2230 CST* 
Total Dosage ( part icle-mlmites/l iter) 

/ T - trace dosage 



M * malfunction or data missing 



Dosaga contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter* 



mfteorclogt 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuouslv recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations tatosn at stations designated © and © . 

Vires onto ascents mato at meteorological station @ , at the Onirersity parking lot, 

2105 

Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to nap scale) and direction of each arrow 
ilOQ representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated* 



Street-level winds southerly at 3.0 rph, and treetop winds aouth to southeasterly at 5-6 wph. 
Stability 

\,6 # F lapse from 6-300 ft. 



Overcast cloude with bases bOO ft above the eurfaca. 



23.9* to 2b.3 # F at 2 alters In the teat area. 



Mixing ratio of 2.6 g m/kgm dry .air* 



3 



TSST AKRAT WD HFSILTS 

rr ooo7c 



Figure 8-19 



30 Jn 1953 
2305 CST 



AEROSOL fgKERATID* 

Point-source release of 8.3 gra of NJZ 5256 ever a period of 5 minutes starting at 2305 CST from t vehicle-mounted 
blower disperser located at point fc. 

SAMPLE R! 

L ocation and Exposure 

tfembrane-filter snnpllng equipment located at 75 stations as shown on test-array map by the following ejntoola* 
# Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and b feet. 

6 Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by nox*. 



Results 



HETEOROLOOT 



All aasplers operated to veasure total dosage during full sampling period, 2 300-51400 CST. 
Total Poaage f partlela-sdnutes/llter) 

T - trace dosage 
H * malfunction or oata missing 

Dosage contour with velues expressed in particle-minutes per liter. 

100 



100 



S hipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and elr mid surface terperatufes, vEid velocity, end 
other meteorological observations taken at bna or more of the stations designated $9 , & a and . 

Wiresonde ascents made at meteorological station ©, at the University parking lot. 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel betveen the tinea indicated* 

Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time Indicated* 



Street-level winds south-aoutheesterly et 5.U aph, and tree top winds south to southeasterly at 5-6 »rh. 
St ability 

1.7* F lapee from 6-300 ft. 

Ovorcast clouds with baaea 7500 ft above Uw surface. 

Te mperature 

2U.3* to 5(4.9* F et 5 enters in the teet area. 

Mo isture 

■ Mixing ratio of 5.6 gx/kgn dry air. 



2105 






2ioa 



2100 



• -«rr -* vrve- ' U«T 




SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
Is March 1953 

(Survey M-56, Supplemental to FT 0019) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

Most of Minnesota was covered by a cyclonic stream of cold air associated 
with a 978-mb low-pressure center over Quebec. Rapidly variable cloudi- 
ness and infrequent light snow showers accompanied a moderate wind, which 
varied considerably in speed during the test period. At the 700-rab level, 
a northwesterly gradient wind of U5 mph was due to a long wave-length pat- 
tern consisting of a broad trough extending from Quebec to Florida and of 
a strong ridge over the Pacific coast. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Time 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


1830 


12,000 


Broken 


15+ 




19 


10 


WSW 


13 


1930 


11,000 


Broken 


15+ 


- 


18 


11 


WSW 


11 


2030 


11,000 


Scattered 


15+ 


- 


17 


9 


WSW 


12 


2130 


Is, 200 


Scattered 


15+ 


- 


17 


11 


WSW 


12 


2230 


3,500 


Scattered 


15+ 


- 


17 


10 


WSW 


15 


2330 


U,ooo 


Scattered 


15+ 


- 


16 


10 


W 


15 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunsets 60^ 

And/or restriction to visibility 

Sea-level pressure at 2130 CST: 1009.8 mb 

Ground condition: Twelve-inch packed snow; main street clear; side streets 

clear, but icy 5o£ because of melted snow; river tempera 
ture 3U° F 



Tree covers None 




SECRET 

SfCU»irr in?o»mamon 






i 











H 



t 

t 

i 



r 



»« 







i 

i 



j 




i 




FIGURE B-2U 

COMPARATIVE TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 

Minneapolis Wiresonde 

Residential Vs Business Area 
Run 3, 2100 CST l* Mar 1953 

SECRET 

SECUHTY IHfOrMATION 



us 



PIONEER HALL DOSAGES* 




A 


Surface** 


5 


13 


23 


B 


1st Floor 


5-o 


12-0 


o-i5 


C 


2nd Floor 


2-0 


6-0 


U-o 


D 


2nd Floor 


5-T 


0-0 


0-T 


E 


Basement 


T-0 


T-T 


T-T 


F 


1st Floor 


T-0 


5-0 


6—0 




* Dosage 3 are expressed in particle-minutes per liter j T 
represents trace dosage, i.e., a count not exceeding 1$ 
fluorescent particles. Double entries for a given column 
represent incremental dosages obtained with sequentially 
exposed filter units. Applicable incremental periods for 
each sampler, as well as full sampling periods for each 



release, are 


as follows t 




Release 


Sampling Period 


Incremental Periods 


FT 0019a 


2000-2100 CST 


2000-2100 CST 
2100-2120 CST 


FT 0019b 


2120-2220 CST 


2120-2220 CST 
2220-2300 CST 


FT 0019c 


2300-21x00 CST 


2300-23U5 CST 

23U5-2UOO CST 



In the absence of an adjacent outside sampler (©), at the 
one to six-foOt level, a value has been estimated, based 
on the analysis of the overall isodosage pattern for a given 
release. The estimate has been made in order to obtain the 
base value needed to establish the percentage of aerosol- 
cloud penetration. 



) 

i 





Flgur* B-2? 



h Xar 1953 

2005 C3T 






3 

3 



1 






■I 



■< 




t 




TEST JUiRIT CTO RSSK.T3 

rt 0019* 



AZROsa , aoCTUTiac 

tlns-sourcs release of 23.5 gw of KJZ 2266 (»t * ret* of 78.9 gw/adle) or*r » period of 5.1? «durU* atartlng rt 
2005 CST, fro* * blower disperser mounted on a Knrlng t*Mo1*. 

START ► gKP lSOO-ft track (along hl^i-ground eleratlon) of r*hlcl*-*ountad blower dispart*} 

(2005 CST) (2010110 CST) *t th* Indicated atarting and stepping tises. 



sim.n o 

Le gation and Exposure 

ifasbrine-f liter sampling equipment located *t 101 statlcr* u shown oo test-array »sp by th* following sysfcolsi 
• Outdoor aaaplsr at height betwsan 1 and 6 fa at , 

0 Outdoor aaaplar at ballot abort or below [antral tarraln laral a* lndlcatad by not*. 



Re sult* 

til saxplera oparatad to measurs total dosage*. In addition, sellers In Pienaar Rail vara oparatad inenaas- 
tallyj sssplsr array, full stapling pariod, lncrenantal parloda, and applicabla inerawntal dosage* art pra- 
aantad in figure 3-2 5 . 



100 

WTCOROIXOT 



Total Poeege (parilcle-ailnutas/llter) 
T - tract dosage 
X • sudfunctlon or data Kissing 



100 



Dosage cerrtour with raluaa expressed in partiele-Kinute* par 11 tar. 



kqulpneirt and Xaaauranent 

It atraet laral, wind dlractlon contlnuoualy recorded, and tir end aurftca teagertturea, wind raloclty, and 
other meteorological observation* taken at ttationa designated @ @ , and © 



Wtroaonda ascent* made at meteorological atation © , at th a On Iran it y parking lot. 3u* inees -are a vires c*»d*s 
(sea Tigs, B-22, B-23, and B-2l») obtained at 210 South Tacth Street, approximately 2 Kilaa w«at of © . 



2005 



2010 



2020 - 



Vlrtual wind track, th* length (drawn to map seals) and dlractlon of each arrow 
representing th* rirtual wind traral between the tijaes indicated. 



_ ZOJO Balloon track raprasenting wind-drift observation *t th* time indicated. 

ViJids 

Straet-leral winds west-southwesterly at 3Ji sph, and treetep wind* westerly at IS >ph. 
St ability 

1.5* T lapse fren 6-300 ft. 

Skr 

Scattered clouds with bases 11,000 ft shore the surfscs, 

Tei y^rtt'or* 

18.9* to 19.8* F it 2 netars In the teat area, 

Hoj -sture 

Xixing ratio of 1.& gV^-#* 




•IK 



•Ml 




'ii Mill ) I y fr1- iJ t --'- Ml L llllil 



TEST ARRil LSD RJSULW 
FT l»l?b 



ri*or» B-28 



b H*r 1953 
2125 CST 



I 



AFROS <X GENERATKW 



Line-source r«le os* of 19.3 gma of NJZ 2266 (at a rat* of 6U.6 gms/mile) err? r a period of 5,5 minute* starting *t 
2125 CST, from a b lover disperser mounted on a moving vehicle. 



START " ■ - — fr -END 1500-ft track (along high -ground elevation) of a vehicle -mounted blcwer dis- 

(2125 CST) (2130:30 CST) parser at tbs indicated starting and stopping times. 



SAMPLPX3 

Location and Expoaur* 

Hsmbrare -filter Sailing equipment located at 101 stations as shown on test-array asp by tha following ayxbolsr 
• Outdoor sfjsplsr at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

© Outdoor a rapier at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 



Results 

ill samplers operated to Treasure total a os ages. In addition, samplers in Pioneer Hall (Building So. 21) were 
operated inc re rent ally j sampler array, full* sampling period, incremental periods, and applicable incremental 
dosages are presented in Figure B-25. 



Total Dosage (partlcle-mlnutes/llter) 

/ ? - trace dosage 

M » malfunction or data missing 
5® V - formation of ice on filter 



« - eri&nce of contamination 




Dosage contour with values expressed in particle -minutes per liter. 



Equipment and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface temperatures, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taVen at stations designated ©,©,©> and © « 



Vlresonde ascents made at wteorologlcal station @ , at the University parking lot. Bus iness -are* wire sondes 

(see Figs, B-22, 8-23, and B-2L) obtained at 210 South Tenth Street, approximately 2 ndles west of Q9 • 




2005 



ZOjO Visual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the tines indicated. 



2000 Balloon track representing wind-dr lit observation at the time indicated. 

Winds 

Street-level winds vest-southwesterly at 3.U wph, and treetop winds westerly at 15 mph. 

Stability 

2.1* F lapse from 6-300 ft. 

Scattered clouds with bases L200 ft above the surface . 

Terx<rature 

18.7* to 19.5* 7 at 2 meters in the tesv area. 

Moisture 




Mil 



Mixing ratio of 1.0 gm/hgm dry air, 




TtST kRRXX AND JCSULTS 

rr ooi9c 



Figure B-2? 



l* Mar 1953 
230$ CST 



i 






mt 






mt 



AEROSOL OFNSRATIOW 

Line-source release of 21.3 g wa of NJZ 2266 (at a rata of 85.0 gmtf/mile) ovar a period of 6 a&nutes ■tartinf at 
2305 CST, from a blower dis parser mounted on a moving vehicle. 

START 1 1 ■ 1 ■— END 15 00- ft track (along the river level) of a vehicle-mounted blower disperser 

(2305 CST) (2311 CST) at the indicated starting and stopping time*. 



3AMFLIX0 

tocat ion and Exposure 

>%abrane-f ilter sampling equipcnent located at 101 stations as shown on test-array map by the following symbol* s 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 



Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosages. In addition, samplers in Pioneer Hall (Building Ho, 21) vers 
operated incrementally; sampler array, full sampling period. Incremental periods, and applicable incremental 
dosages are presented in Figure B-25, 






Total Dosage (particla-mlnutea/liter) 
? • trace dosage 
N • malfunoticr or data missing 



HETEOROtOGT 




Dosage contour with values expressed in particle-minutes per liter. 



F^ulpggnt and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface teroeratures, wind velocity, and 
other msteorological observations taken at stations designated © , © 1 © » © • 




Wire sonde ascenta mads at meteorological station <© , at the University parking lot. Bus Lness-areawiresonde* 
(see Figs, B-22, B-23, and B— 2ii ) obtained at 210 South Tenth Street, acprcx ina tely 2 miles vest of © . 

<1010 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrest 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 



2000 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 




Winds 

Street-level winds westerly at 3.9 mph, and tree top winds westerly at 15 mph. 
Stability 

1,7" F lapse from 6-300 ft. 



5J2 

Scattered clouds 3500 ft above the surface. 
Temperature 

18.8* to 19.5* F at 2 meters in the test area. 



Moisture 

Fixing ratio of 1.5 gm/kgn dry air. 









«•< 




SUMMARY OF REGIONAL AND LOCAL WEATHER 
21 March 1#3 

(Survey M-59, Supplemental to FT 0021) 



SYNOPTIC SITUATION 

During the test period, a deepening 986-mb low center over western 
Nebraska, moving northeast at 20 mph, and a 1020-mb high over Quebec 
combined to produce- a flow of warm air with a southeasterly gradient 
of 35 mph. The low passed Minneapolis the following day with one- 
half inch of rain. At the 700-mb level, a moderate ridge extended 
from Ceorgia to eastern Lake Superior and a deepening trough extended 
from Montana to New Mexico, producing a southerly gradient wind of 
35 mph. 



WEATHER REPORTS FROM WOLD-CHAMBERLAIN FIELD (MINNEAPOLIS) 



Time 

(CST) 


Cloud 

Height 

(feet) 


Sky 

Cover* 


Visibility 

(miles) 


Weather** 


Temp 

(°F) 


Dew 

Point 

(°F) 


Wind 
Speed 
Dir (mph) 


2230 


6,000 


Overcast 


IS* 




U7 


33 


ESE 


19 


2330 


5,500 


Overcast 


15+ 


- 


4 6 


32 


E 


15 


0030 


5,500 


Scattered 


15 


- 


45 


34 


ESE 


19 


0130 


5,5oo 


Scattered 


12 


- 


hi 


35 


ESE 


16 


0230 


20,000 


Broken 


10 


m 


la 


34 


ESE 


22 


0330 


20,000 


Scattered 


10 


- 


ia 


35 


ESE 


23 


oU30 


20,000 


Broken 


12 


- 


la 


36 


ESE 


20 


0530 


20,000 


Overcast 


12 


- 


ia 


36 


ESE 


23 


0630 


5,000 


Scattered 


10 




42 


37 


ESE 


21 



* Average cloudiness sunrise to sunset: 80£ 

** And/or restrictions to visibility 



Sea-level pressure at 0230 CST: 1000,3 mb 

Ground condition: Two-tenths snow remaining (two to three inches )j streets 

clear; lake frozen 



Tree cover: None 




VXKDfl ALOFT 
St. Cloud 
21 Xu- 1953 
0300 CST 



Ms Dfttft U000 



So D*U 3000 





1000 







0 



13 









TFS7 AR Q .AT AND RESULTS 
FT CCS la 



Firure B-33 



21 Mar 1953 
odj$ cst 



AF.RCSOL (FNTRATTCK 

Point-a -urce release (92 ft above river level) of 8.2 fTS of N.TZ 2266 over a period of 5 ninuUa starting at 0*5 
CST frore a vehicle-mounted blover disperser located at point . 

SAKH.EO 

Location and Exposure 

^kribrane -filter sampling equipment located at XOtt stations as shown on test-array map by the following symbols* 
% Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

Q Outdoor sampler at hei£\t above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 



Results 

All sampler* operated to measure total dosages during foil sarpling period, €030-0130 CST. 
Total Dosage ( particle -ni mites A iter) 

T ■ trace dosage 
M - malfunction or data missing 
* - evidence of contamination 

Dosage contour with values expressed in parti c la -minutes per liter. 



56 



100 



100 



J^OXLOGT 



rqulpmrnt and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air a^d surf^e temperatures, wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at stations desirnated @ » J'h' 1 © • 

Wire sonde equipment located at meteorological station © , at the diversity parking lot. 



0505 



3 50 £ 



05 j O Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each a rrw 
representing the virtual wind travel between the tiros indicated. 



0£00 Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the tiro indicated. 



Winds 

Street-level winds easterly at 9.8 mph. 
stability 

' No direct roaaurer^nt ; wire sonde operations precluded by relatively strong winds. These winds and supporting 
raob data (Fig. 8-31) indicate adiabatic conditions. 



5*Z 

Scattered clouds with bases 5500'ft above the surface. 
Terre mature 

1,1,4* to h2.2* F at 2 meters in the test are a* 

Moisture 



Mixing ratio of li.l gr/kgja dry air. 







?l/?ur» B-3k 



!1*jt 1953 
CS35 csr 







u&i. to* 



TEST ARfUt AND RESULTS 
FT OCClc 



Figure B-3? 



21 Hat 1953 
0350 CST 




1 



i 

1 

} 




AEROSOL 'GENERATION 



Point-source release (50 ft above river level) of 8,? gns of N< 
CST from a vehicle -Jimmied blower sparser located at point 



*? 



2266 over a period of 5 minutes starting at 0350 



SAKFLINO 



Location and Exposure 

K'rrbrane -filter sampling equipment located at Id* stations as shcvn on test-array map by the following symbols* 
• Outdoor sampler at height between 1 and 6 feet, 

Q Outdoor sampler at height above or below general terrain level as indicated by note. 



Results 

All samplers operated to measure total dosage daring full sampling period, 0330-Cfi30 CST, 
Total Dosage (particle -minutes /liter) 

^ T • tract dosage 

M - malfunction or data missing 



'58 






100 Dosage contour with values expressed in particle-r.inutes per liter. 



KF^on^r.T 

Equl]xnent and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, Rnd air and surface temperatures , wind velocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at stations designated ® @ , and © . 

Vires on de equipr*nt located at meteorological station @ , at the UnWersity parking lot. 



Virtual wind track, the length ( drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated. 

Balloon track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 

Street -level virxSa east-southeas terly at 12 rph. 

Stability 

No direct measurerent; wire sonde operations precluded by relatively strong winds. These winds and supporting 
mob data (Fig, B-31) indicate adiabatic conditions. 

Scattered clouds with bases 20,000 feet above the surface, 

Terpomture 

to bl. 7* F at 2 meters In the teat area. 

Moisture 

Fixing ratio of h,3 dry air. 



0500 - 



0505 0510 



0500 



Wind* 




TFST UtSAT AXD RESOCTS 
FT OO’ld 



Figure B-36 



21 Hu- 1953 
0515 CST 



; ] 




AERCS CL C?3PTUTI0ff 



Point-source release at river level of NJZ 2266 over a period of 5 winutes Stirling at 0£l5 CST from a vehicle- 
rounted blower disperser located at point |£f . Because of disperser malfunction, only 1*5 g*s released. 

SAMPLING 



l ocation and Exposure 

Membrane- filter sampling equipment located at lob 
# Outdoor sampler at height 

Q Outdoor sampler at height 



stations a s shown on test-array nap by the folleving symbols* 
between 1 and 6 feet* 

above or below general terrain level m indicated by note. 



Result* 

All samplers operated to muuto total dioeage during full sampling period, 0$00-0600 CST, 
Total Dosage (p&Klgls-minutesAltcr) 

T • trace doaagi 
M - malfunction or data missing 

IV* age contour with valuos expressed in particle -minutes per liter* 

HnTORDLOGT 





Equi pm ent and Measurement 

At street level, wind direction continuously recordsd, and air and surface tenperatvuvn, wind velocity, and 
other sete urological observations taken at stations designated © , @ , and © • 

Wiresonde equipment located at meteorological station @ , at the University parking lot. 



Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to nap teals) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the time* Indicated. 

Balloon traek representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 

Vindi 

Street-level winds eaat-aoutheaatarly at 0.5 *ph* 

Stability 

No direct measurement j wire a on ds operations precluded by relatively strong winds* These winds and supporting 
raob data (Tig. B-31) indicate adiabatic conditions. 

Overcast clouds with bases 20,000 ft above the surface. 

Temperature 

111. 6* to U2.U* F at 2 meters if the test area, 

Moisture 

Hlxing ratio of gm/kgm dry air. 



0*03 



£3jo 



0500- 



0500 







1 

\ 

) 




SECRET 

stcujur in*o*mation 



APPXHDIX « C ■ 

Figur* go, FIELD TEST 0012 16 February 19$ 3 P»g« 



C-l 


Temperature Sounding a, St 0 Cloud Raob, H-50 


12 ? 


C-2 


Temperature Soundings, Undereloped-Area 
Viresonde 


130 


C-3 


Test Array and Results, FT 0012b 


131 




FIELD TEST 0018 23 February 1953 




C-I 4 


Temperature Soundings, St. Cloud Kaob, K-$2 


132 


c-5 


CosparatiTe Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Vireaond* 


133 


C — 6 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
JQnneapolia Vireaond* 


13l* 


C-7 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Viresonde 


135 


C -8 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
Mnneapolie Vireaond* 


136 


C-9 


Comparative Temperature Soundings, 
Minneapolis Wiresonde 


137 


C-10 


Test Array and Remits, FT 0018a 


138 


c -11 


Test Array and Results, FT COl 8 d 


139 



SECRET **** 128 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



SECRET 

StCURITY INFORMATION 



• • Adiabatio 

V ; : ; 



Temperaturs °T 




FIGURE C-2 




TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 




Minneapolis 




Undeveloped-Area Wiresonds 
M-50 16 Feb 1953 


Page 130 


SECRET 

SEC'JHIV INFORMATION 














1 



rigor* C-J 

TEST ARPJT A HD RESDtTS 14 MM 

rr ooi’b 2?a CST 

A/RCSO :. CTTWTRAT ICW 

Point-* eurce nrle»se of 9.7 gw of HJZ. 22tk orer ■ p*rlod of 5 nlnnt** st»rtlng »t ?29i CST fro* a Yehlcl* -count* d 
b'tovrr dl»p*reer 1 oca tad at point ijf . 

SAKPtDW 



Le gation and Exposure 

Membrane -filter • wiling equipment located at 101 stations as shown on teat-array »*P by the following symbol; 
0 Outdoor a*wpler et height between 1 and 6 feet* 



•< 



1 



Result* 



r 5$ 



All samplers operated to measure total dosage daring full sampling period, 221*0-2320 CST. 
Total fraasge (partlcle-ainutesAl^r) 

y 

T * trace dosage 
X - malfunction or data missing 
V • form#rtio»i of ice oa filter 

Oosape contour with values expressed In particle-minutes per liter. 



100 




100 



>£TF0RCL0GT 



Equipment and Measure rent 

At street level, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and surface 1 temperatures , wind velocity, and 
other re teorological observations taken at stations designated @ and @ • 



2J0p . 



2105 2110 Virtual wind track, the length (drawn to map scale) and direction of each arrow 

" * representing the virtual wind travel between the times indicated, 

2100 Balloccv track representing wind-drift observation at the time indicated. 



Wind * 

Street-level winds southwesterly at 1.6 rph. 

Stability 

1 .9* f of inversion Troe 6-300 ft measured approximately <> miles away at Vlrth Park (see Fig. C-2), over open 
terrain coirparable to Charlie Area, at the western rather than at the southeastern periphery of Minneapolis, 

Teyr^rature 

4;* to -7' F at 2 meters In the test area. 

Clear during test period. 

Moisture 

Mixing ratio of 0.6 gw /kgw dry air. 



mm 



■ F" 

t 

•w 





Feet A bar* Surfac* 



SECRET 

s ecu * I T r INFORMATION 





FIGURE C-5 

COMPARATIVE TEKFERATURE SOUNDINGS 

Minneapolis Wiresonda 

Undeveloped Vs Business Area 
2000 CST 23 Feb 1953 



SECRET 

SECURITY INFORMATION 



P*?a 133 



Roof 1 Katar 32.U °T 




.6 



28 



To Hi 



, 2 * *t. iTSstot: 



18 



to 


— — • * ♦ * ' ] 




4 




* t - - t— 


J r‘. T 






• 7z'. 


. • — * J 


aoX * JL tot 

: ; 72 iZ °r: 



20 



22 21 * 
Tsinpar«tur« °7 



26 



FIGURE C-7 

COMPARATIVE TEMPERATURE SOUNDINGS 

Minneapolis Wiresonde 

Undeveloped Vs Business Are* 
2200 CST 23 Feb 1?53 



SECRET 

SECUtlTT INfO»MATIO'N 



135 
















t 








mt 





TSST mil iW> RBDLT3 
FT 0315* 



Flgor* C-10 



21 r.b 1953 
2015 CST 






TEST APJUT JLWD RESULTS 

rr ooiSd 



figure C-ll 



?3 ?*b 1953 
2306 CST 



AgROS QL Q£KE RATIO* 

Point-Source release of 8.0 gw of SJ2 2266 ore r & period of 5 *inutei etertlng at 2308 CST fro* a rehicle-asounted 
blower die pe roe r located at point jj|| . 

SAXPLIMQ 

Location and Rrpoeure 

J^iebrane -filter sampling equipment located at 101 a tat lone aa ahcvn on teat-array map by the following eysfcolt 
0 Outdoor saxplar at height between 1 and 6 feet. 

I fteaolte 

All aanplere operated to *eaaure total doeage daring fall sampling period, 23CO-2liOO CST. 

Total Poaaae (partlcle-ednutea/lltar) 

T • trace dotage 
H - malfunction or data *laa lng 
V - formation of ice on filter 




100 



Dosage contour with raloea axpreaeed In parti cl* -minutes per liter* 



jffrrxoROLocnr 



100 



1 ?qulpi7ent and Measurement 

At street lerel, wind direction continuously recorded, and air and eurface temperatures, wind Telocity, and 
other meteorological observations taken at atationa designated @ , © , © , and @ . 

iiP5- 



2109- 



iil? Virtual wind track, the lenyth (drawn to nap acale) and direction of each arrow 
representing the virtual wind travel between the tines indicated. 



Balloon track repreaentiny the wind-drift observation at the tine indicated. 

Vi J 

Street-level winds aoutbvesterly at 1.3 aphj wlnda at treetop level alao southwesterly. 

S tability 

12.U* T Inversion froffl 6-300 ft naasured approximately 9 nilaa avay at Virth Park (sea Tl^s. C-S throng C-9), 
over open terrain cosparable to Charlie Area, at the western rather than at the southeastern periphery of 
Minneapolis. Buslneis-irea wlresondoa obtained at 210 South Tenth Street. 

Clear during test period. 

T emperature 

19* to 2? * 7 at 2 meters in the test area. 

Moisture 



Mixing ratio of 2.6 gw/k g* dry air. 



SECRET 

SECURITY INFORMATION 

APPENDIX *D* 



FIELD TEST 0015 



2ii Febx 



Tvo-Hater Air T«q>eratur* Surrey, H-S3> and 
Suasuiry of Regional and Local Veath «r 

Temperature Soundings, St, Cloud Rnob, K-53 

Comparatire Temperature Soundings,